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MARCUS WHITMAN 



AND 



THE EARLY DAYS OF OREGON 



BY 



WILLIAM A. MOWRY, Ph.D. 

HONORARY MEMBER OF THE OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY, MEMBER OF THE 

NEW ENGLAND HISTORIC-GENEALOGICAL SOCIETY, AND OF 

THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 



ILLUSTRATED 




SILVER, BURDETT AND COMPANY 
NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO 



1 $6 
\4 5^f 



THE LIBRARY OF 
CONGRESS, 

Two Copies Received 

JUN. 8 1901 

Copyright entry 

CLASS WXXc. N» 

COPY 8. 



Copyright, 1901, 
By SILVER, BURDETT AND COMPANY 




• • • • • •• •• 

• •••••••• • •• 

•• •*!'••! •*• : •• ••• ••• 

.* ••• . • •»• .• . ••• ••• 



" Do nations float darkling down the stream of the ages 
without hope or consolation, swaying with every wind and 
ignorant whither they are drifting ? Or is there a superior 
intelligence and love, which is moved by justice and 
shapes their courses ? " 

George Bancroft. 



PREFACE 

THIS book was like "Topsy." It was not born; — 
it grew. It grew because it could not help growing. 
More than twenty-five years ago I first learned of the heroic 
labors and the tragic death of Dr. Marcus Whitman. I 
was at that time making a careful and critical study of the 
early history of " The Oregon Country," and was espe- 
cially interested in our controversy with Great Britain 
concerning it. Having completed my study of the negotia- 
tions between the two governments which ended in the 
treaty of 1846, I turned my attention to the story of Dr. 
Whitman. 

I was soon confronted with those who refused to credit 
the accounts of his patriotic heroism, and who did not be- 
lieve that he was entitled to foremost recognition as the 
savior of Oregon to the United States. I determined to 
go to the bottom of the question, and for a little more than 
twenty years I have pursued these investigations and have 
read everything I could lay my hands upon relating to the 
subject. I have visited Oregon, Washington, and Califor- 
nia, stood before the great grave where Whitman was 
buried, and walked the halls of Whitman College in Walla 
Walla. I have talked with many leading men of that 
country, Dr. Cushing Eells; Mr. William H. Gray, author 
of a history of Oregon, with whom I visited the rooms of 
the American Board, inspecting their archives and reading 
and copying letters to and from Whitman, Spalding, Eells, 
Walker, Gray, and others, covering the entire period from 
1836 to 1848; Dr. Anderson, president of Whitman Col- 



vi PREFACE 

lege; Judge Deady of Portland, Dr. Atkinson of Portland, 
and many others. With Dr. Atkinson I went over the 
whole subject. Dr. William Barrows, who wrote the his- 
tory of Oregon in the Commonwealth Series, was consulted, 
and every phase of the entire subject was discussed, years 
before his history appeared. 

On another page I have given a list of books and pam- 
phlets, including only a part of those read and consulted by 
me, most of which I have in my library. 

The longer I studied the subject, the clearer grew the 
light pointing directly to Dr. Whitman as the man who 
saved " The Oregon " to the United States. The evi- 
dence of his far-sighted policy and his patriotic purpose is 
conclusive. The letters written by him and his coworkers 
in the mission field, which by the courtesy of the officers of 
the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
sions I have copied for the purpose, throw great light upon 
the events herein portrayed. These, with other valuable 
material, will be found in the appendix. 

All honor to the early American pioneer settlers in that 
country, as beautiful, as picturesque, and as fertile as any 
on the globe; a country with as fine a climate, as varied 
productions, and now occupied by a people as thrifty, as 
enterprising, and as intelligent as can be found anywhere 
in the world. But the first and highest honor should be 
awarded by the people of Oregon and of the United States 
to the memory of that Christian patriot, that heroic mission- 
ary, Marcus Whitman. Braving the cold and the snows of 
the Rocky Mountains, he crossed the continent on horseback 
to warn our government at Washington and to encourage 
the hardy pioneers of the frontier to emigrate to Oregon, 
assuring them that they could carry their wagons and their 
families through to the Columbia, for he had gone there 
himself with his wife and his wagon. 

The story of his tragic end is sad in the extreme. But 
always and everywhere, in all ages and all climes, " the 



PREFACE vii 

blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church." Oregon 
and Washington are to-day reaping the rich fruits of his 
life, his heroism, and his untimely death. 

This book is a history. It is not an embellished story 
like Irving' s Astoria or Parkman's Oregon Trail. It is 
written with the single purpose of stating in a clear and 
concise manner the important facts with which it has to 
deal. From first to last it has to do with facts. I believe 
it tells the truth, and that posterity will confirm the con- 
clusions here arrived at. I commend the story to the good 
people of our republic and especially to the friends of 
Christian missions, in the hope that it will stimulate them 
to give honor to the memory of Dr. Marcus Whitman, and 
that it will encourage them to the possession and practice 
of all heroic, patriotic, and Christian virtues. 

William A. Mowry. 
Hyde Park, Massachusetts. 
January, 1901. 



CONTENTS 



Introduction: Our Claims to the Oregon 

Country i 

I — Early Missions in the Oregon Country 35 

II — Parker's Exploring Tour ... 50 

III — Whitman's Early Life and Marriage . 61 

IV — A Double Bridal Tour across the Con- 
tinent 69 

V — Mr. Gray's Journey to the States . . 83 

VI — A Triple Bridal Tour across the Con- 
tinent 89 

VII — Oregon Sixty Years ago .... 98 

VIII — The Work of the Missionaries . . 104 

IX — The Conditions in 1842 . . . .110 

X — The Missionaries Discuss the Situation 121 

XI — The True Causes of Whitman's Ride . 131 

XII — Whitman's Ride 14$ 

XIII— From Fort Taos 162 

XIV — Dr. Whitman in Washington . . . 167 

XV — Dr. Whitman in Boston .... 174 

XVI — Dr. Whitman Returns West . . . 181 

XVII — Causes of the Emigration of 1843 • • J ^7 



x CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XVIII — Eight Hundred for Oregon . . . 201 



XIX — Attempts at Government 

XX — The Massacre .... 

XXI — Causes of the Massacre . 

XXII — The Fiftieth Anniversary and the 
Whitman Monument 

XXIII — Mr. Gray and his Flock of Sheep . 

XXIV — Father Eels and Whitman Seminary 

XXV — The Importance of the Oregon Country 

Appendix . 

Index 



211 
217 

223 

232 

237 
241 

247 

255 
335 



ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS 

Whitman's Home at Waiilatpu . . Frontispiece - ^ 

FACING PAGE 

Map of the Oregon Country. ... 26 

Stooptoopnin, Ipnasalatalc, and Eagle . 54 

Rev. Cushing Eells, D.D 100 

Map showing the Route to Oregon and Whit- 
man's Ride 156 

The Memorial Chapel at Whitman . . 176 U- 

The First Grave of the Martyrs — The Present 
Tomb 220 

The Whitman Monument .... 236 

Whitman College Buildings .... 244 



A LIST OF SOME OF THE BOOKS, PAMPHLETS, AND 

PAPERS CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION 

OF THIS WORK 

GREENHOW'S History of Oregon and California. 

Travers Twiss's The Oregon Question Examined. 

Dunn's History of Oregon. 

Marbois's History of Louisiana. 

Bulfinch's Oregon and Eldorado. 

Lewis and Clark's Expedition to the Sources of the Missouri. 

Irving's Astoria. 

FrAnchere's Narrative of the Voyage of the " Tonquin." 

Captain Bonneville's Adventures. 

Townsend's Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains. 

Farnham's Travels in the Great Western Prairies. 

Farnham's Travels in Oregon and California. 

Sir George Simpson's Overland Journey Around the World. 

Samuel Parker's Journal of a Tour beyond the Rocky Mountains. 

FATHER De Smet's Letters and Sketches. 

Father De Smet's Oregon Missions. 

Dr. Rufus Anderson's Memorial Volume of the A. B. C. F. M. 

Edinburgh Review, July, 1843. 

Swan's Northwest Coast. 

Ex. Document, No. 38, H. R., 35th Congress, 1st Session. 

Ex. Document, No. 37, Senate, 41st Congress, 1st Session, 1871. 

Thornton's Oregon and California. 

Peter H. Burnett's Recollections of an Old Pioneer. 

Parkman's Discovery of the Great West. 

Treaties and Conventions of the United States. 

General Walker's Statistical A tlas of the United States. 

J. J. Anderson's pamphlet, Did the Louisiana Purchase Extend to the 

Pacific Ocean ? 
Florida Treaty of 1819, 3d article. 
Convention between Russia and the United States, 1824. (This is 

found in Federal and State Constitutions, vol. ii., pp. 1482-3. 



xiv BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Benton's Thirty Years' View. 

Blaine's Twenty Years in Congress. 

Ross's Adventures on the Columbia River. 

Hines's History of the Oregon Mission. 

Gray's History of Oregon. 

Lee and Frost's Ten Years in Oregon. 

Dr. White's Travels in Oregon. 

Mrs. Victor's The River of the West. 

George Bancroft's History of the United States. 

H. H. Bancroft's History of the Pacific Coast. Vols, xxviii. and 

xxix. on Oregon. 
Greeley's American Conflict. 
W. H. Gray's The Indian Question. 
Greenhow's Memoir, on the Northwest Coast of North America. U. 

S. Senate, 26th Congress, 1st Session. 
President's Message on Territory West of the Rocky Mountains. 

1828. 20th Congress, H. R., Ex. Doc. No. iqq. 
Caleb Cushing's Report to H. R., 25th Congress, 3d Session. Rep. 

No. 101. 
Thomas Falconer's The Oregon Question. London : Samuel Clarke, 

1845. 
Peter A. Browne's lecture on Oregon Territory. Philadelphia, 

1843. 
M. B. Sampson's Oregon Question. London : Samuel Highley, 

1846. 
Fremont's Geographical Memoir upon Upper California, in illustration 

of his map of Oregon and California. 30th Congress, 1st Session, 

Senate Doc. No. 148. 
Rev. Geo. H. Atkinson's Northwest Coast. Portland, Oregon, 1878. 
Albert Gallatin's Oregon Question. New York : Bartlett & Welford, 

1846. 
Geo. H. Himes's The Whitman Controversy. Portland, Oregon, 

1885. 
Rev. Myron Eells's The Hand of God in the History of the Pacific 

Coast. 1888. 
Rev. Myron Eells's Marcus Whitman, M.D. Portland, Oregon, 

1886. 
Dr. Thomas Laurie's Whitman Controversy. Astoria, Oregon, 1886. 
George Wilkes's History of Oregon. 1845. 

Rev. Jonathan Edwards's Marcus Whitman, M.D. Spokane, 1892. 
Whitman College Quarterly. 
Rev. Myron Eells's Father Eells. Cong. Publishing Society. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY xv 

Fremont's Exploring Expeditions in 1842 and 1843. Printed by 
order of U. S. Senate, 1845. 

Craighead's Story of Marcus Whitman. Presbyterian Board. 

Nixon's Life of Whitman. 

Richard Rush's Residence at the Court of London. 1st Series, Philadel- 
phia, 1833. 2d Series, London, 1845. 

The Archives of the A. B. C. F. M., from which many letters and extracts 
of letters, written at the time of these occurrences, have been copied. 

Various newspaper articles, from the Astorian, Oregonian, Walla 
Walla Watchman, Boston Journal, New York Evangelist, Alta 
Calif ornian, New York Independent, Chicago Advance, and others. 

Various publications of the Oregon Pioneer and Historical Society. 



MARCUS WHITMAN 

AND THE EARLY DAYS OF OREGON 



INTRODUCTION 

OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 

UNTIL near the end of the eighteenth century the 
Oregon country was terra incognita. It became 
interesting to the nations of Europe through a vague 
rumor that somewhere upon its coast entered the 
Strait of Anian, which would furnish a passage from 
the Pacific Ocean through to the Hudson Bay, or else- 
where to the Atlantic. Its principal river was dis- 
covered by an enterprising New England navigator, 
Captain Robert Gray, who sailed up into the country 
in 1792 and took possession in the name of the United 
States of America. Then it was neglected and ap- 
parently forgotten. Great Britain, having secured a 
joint occupancy, set herself sedulously at work to get 
entire control of the country, and labored to that end 
for nearly thirty years. At one time, our government 
ignored the country as worthless and was not unwilling 
to sell it for a mess of pottage. At another time, 
came the cry " Fifty- Four- Forty or Fight " ; but after 
the watchword had accomplished its purpose by elect- 



2 MARCUS WHITMAN 

ing a president, that president with his own hand 
signed a treaty giving to England all north of the 
forty-ninth parallel. 

Great Britain took possession of the Oregon country 
in 1 8 14, but a few years later we obliged her formally 
to restore it to us. Finally the savages were permitted 
to butcher in cold blood the man who, by bravery and 
patriotism utterly unprecedented, wrested that entire 
country from the grasp of the Hudson's Bay Company, 
and made it possible for the United States to hold it. 
Then after his assassination, Congress published at the 
expense of the nation a partisan report, calculated to 
shield guilty parties and to throw the odium of the 
butchery upon our own people, who were utterly in- 
nocent of the charges laid against them. Such is his- 
tory. But out of all these strange chapters a good 
Providence has delivered us, and has now made of that 
remarkable section a powerful and valuable coterie of 
states, intensely loyal and in the highest degree ser- 
viceable to the great American Republic. 

The difficulty which was anticipated in maintaining 
the federal authority over so extended an area has not 
been realized. One of our leading political newspapers, 
in all seriousness, objected to the government's retain- 
ing Oregon, because the mileage of members of Con- 
gress from that distant section, should it ever become 
a state, would impoverish the country. 1 

The southern boundary of Oregon was fixed at 
latitude 42 by the treaty of Florida in 18 19. By 
that treaty Spain ceded to our government whatever 
right she had previously possessed to the Oregon ter- 
ritory. The northern boundary was determined by the 
Buchanan-Pakenham treaty of 1846, in which Great 

1 See Providence Journal of July 24, 1843. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 3 

Britain and the United States agreed on latitude 49 
as the boundary line between this country and the 
British possessions, from the Rocky Mountains to the 
Strait of De Fuca, and thence through the middle of 
the strait to the Pacific Ocean. This finally fixed 
the limits of the Oregon country as extending from 
the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, and from latitude 
42 to latitude 49 north. 

The history of our controversy with Great Britain 
upon this subject is peculiar and stands without pre- 
cedent in several important respects. Prior to 181 8, 
although Great Britain had laid some claim to the 
country, no definite negotiations had been under- 
taken between the governments with reference to the 
settlement of their conflicting claims. 

During that year, however, our ministers plenipo- 
tentiary, Messrs. Gallatin and Rush, carried on exten- 
sive communications upon this subject with the British 
commissioners, Messrs. Goulburn and Robinson. It 
was agreed by these gentlemen, in a convention dated 
October 20, 181 8, and ratified by the governments 
January 30, 18 19, as follows : 

" any country that may be claimed by either party on the 
northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Moun- 
tains, shall ... be free and open for the term of ten 
years from this date to the vessels, citizens, and subjects 
of the two powers; it being well understood that this agree- 
ment is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim 
which either of the two high contracting parties may have 
to any part of said country, nor shall it be taken to affect 
the claims of any other power or state to any part of the 
said country; the only object of the high contracting parties 
in that respect being to prevent disputes and differences 
among themselves." ' 

The foregoing is the third article of the convention 

1 U. S. Treaties and Conventions, p. 351. 



4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

mentioned above. It was signed by Albert Gallatin 
and Richard Rush on the part of the United States, 
and by Frederick John Robinson and Henry Goulburn 
on the part of Great Britain. 

It is worth our while to observe what were the claims 
put forth by our ministers, and what counter-claims 
were set up by the British commissioners at this early 
stage of the negotiations. 

Messrs. Rush and Gallatin did not assert at this time 
that the United States had a perfect right to that 
country, but insisted that its claim was at least good 
as against Great Britain. 

The grounds of our claims to the country were : 

i. The discovery of the Columbia River by Cap- 
tain Gray in 1792. 

2. The first exploration from the sources to the 
mouth of the river, by Lewis and Clark in 1805. 

3. The formation of the first establishment in the 
country by American citizens, viz., the planting of 
the colony of Astoria in 181 1. Richard Rush said: 
" Astoria had, incontestably, been the first permanent 
settlement." 1 

On the other hand, the English commissioners made 
this claim : 

" Former voyages, and principally that of Captain Cook, 
gave to Great Britain the rights derived from discovery, 
and they alluded to purchases from the natives south of the 
Columbia, which they alleged to have been made prior to 
the American Revolution. They did not make any formal 
proposition for a boundary, but intimated that the river 
itself was the most convenient which could be adopted; 
and that they would not agree to any which did not give 
them the harbor at the mouth of the river in common with 
the United States." 2 

1 Rush, Residence at the Court of London, 1st series, p. 406. 

9 /&id. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 5 

In reply to this, we may here remark that Captain 
Cook saw no part of this coast south of latitude 57 
which had not been explored by the Spanish long be- 
fore his voyage ; and that, however proper that argu- 
ment may have been in 1818, yet when we had a little 
later purchased all the rights of Spain to this territory, 
the case stood quite differently. 

No further negotiations took place between our gov- 
ernment and that of Great Britain until 1824. Before 
proceeding to an account of these negotiations, let us 
consider somewhat in detail the history of our connec- 
tion with the northwest coast prior to this period. 

Our first claim to Oregon was based on the right of 
discovery. 

Captain Robert Gray sailed from Boston on the 30th 
of September, 1787, in the sloop Washington. He 
carried with him sea-letters issued by the Federal 
Government, agreeably to resolutions of Congress (this 
being prior to the adoption of the Constitution of the 
United States), and passports from the State of Mas- 
sachusetts. In August, 1788, his vessel ran aground 
upon a bar near the 46th degree of north latitude on 
the Pacific coast, while endeavoring to enter an opening 
which undoubtedly was the mouth of the Columbia 
River. 

In a subsequent voyage in the ship Columbia, Cap- 
tain Gray fell in with the British navigator Vancouver, 
on April 29, 1792. Vancouver was desirous to receive 
from Gray all possible information with reference to 
this coast, especially concerning the Strait of De Fuca, 
which he was intending to examine. Captain Gray 
went on board Vancouver's vessel and gave him all the 
information he could, and among other things informed 
him that he had discovered the mouth of a river in 



6 MARCUS WHITMAN 

latitude 46 10', where the outset or reflux was so 
strong as to prevent his entering it for many days. 
Vancouver denied the existence of any river emptying 
into the Pacific at or near that latitude. He had sailed 
along the coast and was positive that there was no such 
river. Gray, after leaving him, sailed back to the 
mouth of the river and on the nth of May, with all 
sails set, ran his vessel over the bar and anchored " in 
a large river of fresh water, ten miles above its mouth." 
Here he remained three days, trading with the Indians 
and filling his casks with water, and then sailed up the 
river twelve or fifteen miles along its northern shore. 
During the week which followed, he made several 
attempts to quit the river, but was constantly baffled 
until May 20th, when he crossed the bar at the mouth, 
beating over it with a westerly wind, and so regained 
the Pacific. 1 

Our second ground for claiming Oregon was the fact 
that our government followed up the discovery by 
making the first exploration of this territory in 1805 
and 1806, the expedition being under the command of 
Captain Lewis and Captain Clark of the United States 
Army. 

The importance of the great country west of the 
Mississippi, extending over the mountains and to the 
Pacific Ocean, began to be thought of before the pur- 
chase of Louisiana. President Jefferson proposed to 
Congress, in January, 1803, in a confidential message, 
that measures be at once taken to explore this terri- 
tory. It is not a little singular that Captains Lewis 
and Clark should have been commissioned to under- 
take this important exploration, only a few days pre- 
vious to the arrival of the vessel which brought from 

1 Greenhow, History of Oregon and California , p. 236. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 7 

France the news of the purchase by the United States of 
the whole of the Louisiana territory. It has frequently 
been assumed that this exploration by Lewis and Clark 
was a direct result of the Louisiana Purchase. This, 
however, was not the case. The exploration was 
planned by President Jefferson before he had any ex- 
pectation of purchasing the valley of the Missouri. It 
was planned just as any of the other great explorations 
were planned, such as the Wilkes exploration or the 
Perry expedition to Japan. 

The instructions were to explore the Missouri and 
its principal branches to their sources, and thence cross- 
ing the mountains, to trace some stream, " whether 
the Columbia, the Oregon, the Colorado, or any other 
which might offer the most direct and practicable water 
communication across the continent for the purpose of 
commerce." 

In May, 1804, Lewis and Clark, with less than fifty 
men, began their ascent of the Missouri. They arrived, 
in October, in the country of the Mandan Indians, 
where they remained till the following spring. This 
winter's rendezvous was near the 48th degree of lati- 
tude and more than fifteen hundred miles from their 
starting place. 

In April, 1805, these bold leaders pushed forward 
with only about thirty men, the others having been 
sent back to St. Louis. They explored the country 
and the rivers beyond the " Great Falls of the Mis- 
souri," and before the end of July they had passed 
the " Gates of the Rocky Mountains." The place of 
their crossing the watershed was near the source of 
that branch of the Yellowstone which they named Jef- 
ferson Fork, near the 44th parallel of latitude. They 
were now about three thousand miles from the mouth 



8 MARCUS WHITMAN 

of the Missouri. Here they went over the divide and 
by means of Indian guides found the Kooskooskie 
River, down which they passed to the Columbia, 
thence down that river to the coast. 

They reached the mouth of the Columbia about the 
middle of November, and remained through the winter 
on the west side of Young's Bay,on the south side of the 
river. They broke camp on the 23d of March, 1806, and 
commenced the ascent of the Columbia. They ex- 
amined critically the country bordering upon the Co- 
lumbia and its principal tributaries, and then, having 
ascended to its upper branches, they divided into two 
bands. Lewis and a portion of the men crossed over 
the mountains from the more northern section of the 
Clark River, approaching the country of the Missouri 
near the head waters of the river Maria, a little above 
the 47th parallel. 

Captain Clark, after leaving Lewis, pushed on to the 
south with the rest of the party, and crossed the moun- 
tains near the very source of the Clark River, retraced 
his steps down the Jefferson Fork, and joined Lewis 
and his men at the mouth of the Yellowstone about the 
middle of August. The whole body arrived at St. 
Louis on the 23d of September, 1806, having com- 
pleted an overland journey of about nine thousand 
miles in a little over twenty-eight months, the entire 
return trip of over four thousand miles having been 
performed in just six months. This is one of the 
longest, most difficult, and most important overland 
journeys of governmental explorations ever made. 

The journal of this expedition was prepared sub- 
stantially by Captain Clark, but was not published till 
1 8 14. The most careful observations were made re- 
specting geographical, commercial, and politigal facts. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 9 

and some of the adventures of the party read like the 
most thrilling stories of romance. 

By this expedition our government announced to 
the world its intention to occupy and settle the vast 
countries explored, to which " no other nation," says 
Greenhow, " except Spain, could advance so strong a 
claim on the grounds of discovery or contiguity ; and 
the government and people of the United States thus 
virtually incurred the obligation to prosecute and carry 
into fulfilment the great ends for which the labors of 
Lewis and Clark were the first preparatory measures." i 

Our third ground for claiming Oregon was on ac- 
count of having made the first permanent settlement 
within its limits. 

This settlement was made in 181 1 by a company of 
fur traders, sent out by John Jacob Astor of New York. 
In September, 18 10, Astor despatched from New 
York the ship Tonquin, carrying twenty guns and sixty 
men, under command of Captain Thorn, lieutenant in 
the United States Navy. This vessel arrived at the 
mouth of the Columbia on the 22d of March, 181 1. 
The party on board landed many miles up the river, 
found the natives friendly, built a fort, erected a house, 
store and other buildings, and named the place, in 
honor of the chief patron, Astoria. 

When Captain Thorn sailed away he left thirty men 
in possession of the place, to await the arrival of an 
overland party, also sent by Mr. Astor. This overland 
company, under the chief agent, Mr. Wilson P. Hunt, 
consisted of about sixty men who started early in 
181 1. After untold hardships, a part of the company 
arrived at Astoria on the 18th of January, 18 12. 

Mr. Astor also sent out another vessel, the Beaver , 
1 Greenhow, p. 288, 



io MARCUS WHITMAN 

of twenty guns, which sailed from New York in Oc- 
tober, 1811, with sixty or seventy men, and arrived at 
the Columbia in May, 181 2. For some time this com- 
pany, which was incorporated under the name of 
" The Pacific Fur Company," carried on fur trading 
with considerable success. It established trading 
posts in the interior far up the northern branch, or 
Clark's River, as well as up the southern branch, or 
Lewis's River. 

The undertaking was in general bold, sagacious, and 
patriotic, and might well be considered as promising 
success; but it was finally overthrown by a singular 
chain of circumstances. It is surprising that a man of 
the well-known business sagacity and shrewdness of 
John Jacob Astor should have made such blunders as 
characterized his plans for this far-off fur trading 
enterprise. 

Mr. Astor had traded somewhat in furs with the 
Northwest Fur Company of Montreal, and in 18 10, or 
possibly as early as 1809, having determined to estab- 
lish a similar company in Oregon, he offered a third 
interest in his new enterprise to this old-established 
British company of Montreal. It, however, desired 
the whole loaf and not a third, and consequently 
refused the offer. 

This was Mr. Astor's first mistake, — especially when 
the critical condition of the country in 18 10 is con- 
sidered. Mr. Astor should certainly have been far- 
sighted enough to anticipate trouble from any joint 
business enterprise with subjects of Great Britain, at 
that particular period when war was imminent. 

Had he been American born, it is possible this 
might have appeared to him. But, being a native of 
Germany, living in America, and finding much of his 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY n 

most profitable trade with England, he seems not to 
have anticipated any international prejudices or diffi- 
culties. This is further apparent in his selecting as 
partners to manage the business at Astoria several 
British subjects from Canada, who had been and were 
then in the employment of the Montreal company. 
These men were Duncan McDougal, Donald McKen- 
zie, and Alexander McKay. As the sequel will show, 
this was his second mistake. He subsequently ad- 
mitted as partners David and Robert Stuart, and Ram- 
sey Crooks, Scotchmen, who also had been in the 
service of the Northwest Company ; and Wilson Price 
Hunt, John Clarke, and Robert MacLellan, citizens of 
the United States. McKay, McDougal, David Stuart, 
and Robert Stuart, with about thirty employees, all 
British subjects, sailed on the Tonquin, in September, 

1810. In the January following, under the direc- 
tion of Mr. Hunt, MacLellan, McKenzie, and Crooks 
set out overland with a large party, by way of the 
Missouri River. 

The Northwest Company, meanwhile, was not idle. 
Soon after the departure of Mr. Astor's company by 
the way of Cape Horn, it despatched a party overland, 
with the evident intention of preoccupying the ground. 
This party, directed by Mr. David Thompson, pushed 
forward with all speed and penetrated the Rocky 
Mountains in the fall of 1810. Obstacles and difficul- 
ties compelled a portion of the company to return, 
while the remainder wintered in the mountains, and 
made their way down the Columbia in the summer of 

1 8 1 1 . They arrived at Astoria on the 1 5 th day of J uly , 
and were hospitably received and entertained by their 
old friends and associates, now Mr. Astor's partners. 

This expedition was the occasion for the British 



12 MARCUS WHITMAN 

government to put forth in 1826, through their com- 
missioners, Messrs. Huskisson and Addington, the 
following claim. Having alluded to our claim by 
reason of " the discovery of the sources of the Colum- 
bia and the exploration from its source to the sea by 
Lewis and Clark in 1805-06," they add: 

" In reply to this assertion, Great Britain affirms and can 
distinctly prove that, if not before, at least in the same and 
subsequent years, her Northwest Trading Company had, by 
means of their agent, Mr. Thompson, already established 
their posts among the Flathead and Kootamie tribes, on 
the head waters of the northern or main branch of the 
Columbia, and were gradually extending them down that 
river. It was from these posts that, having heard of the 
American establishment forming in 181 1 at the mouth of 
the river, Mr. Thompson hastened thither, descending the 
river, to ascertain the nature of that establishment." l 

The phrase, " if not before, at least in the same 
and subsequent years," is especially indefinite and 
meaningless. 

The Lewis and Clark expedition was made in 1805- 
06. Astoria was occupied and settled in March, 181 1, 
while Mr. Thompson and his party were blockaded by 
the snows in the Rocky Mountains, near the head 
waters of the Columbia River in latitude 52 ; and he 
and his party did not arrive among the Kootamie and 
Flatheads until some months after the settlement of 
Astoria. 

The war between our country and Great Britain, 
which was threatening when the Tonquin sailed from 
New York in 18 10, began in 1812. The news of it 
traversed the broad continent and reached Astoria in 
January, 181 3. After frequent interviews with the 

1 British statement in documents accompanying President Adams's 
Message to Congress, December 12, 1827. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 13 

agents of the Northwest Company, who were invari- 
ably treated with great kindness and courtesy by Mr. 
McDougal and his associates, the latter, in October, 
18 1 3, signed an agreement by which the whole enter- 
prise — all the " establishments, furs, and stock in 
hand " of Mr. Astor's Pacific Company, in the country 
of the Columbia — was sold to the Northwest Company 
for about fifty-eight thousand dollars. This was done 
by the partners at Astoria, all of whom were British 
subjects, without any authority from or consultation 
with Mr. Astor, to whom really the whole establish- 
ment belonged. Mr. Hunt had been placed in charge 
as agent by Mr. Astor, but, at the time of this sale, 
he was absent at the Sandwich Islands, having left 
Mr. McDougal sub-agent in charge during his absence. 

We have mentioned two mistakes made by Mr. 
Astor, and we now see the unfortunate results of those 
errors. 

We have seen that in 181 1 Mr. Astor sent out 
another ship, the Beaver, with a cargo and sixty or 
seventy men, which arrived at Astoria in May, 1812. 
Mr. Astor's plan was to despatch a vessel annually, 
but the war with Great Britain prevented his sending 
one in 181 2. Early in 181 3 he sent out the Lark, 
which was wrecked at the Sandwich Islands and 
became a total loss. 

Here the officers found Mr. Hunt awaiting an oppor- 
tunity to return to Astoria. He immediately procured 
an American vessel and sailed for the Columbia. On 
his arrival the treachery of McDougal was only too 
apparent. The sale had been effected, the transfer 
made, and the Northwest Company was in possession. 
The so-called sale of the entire establishment with all 
the property and merchandise on hand, as has already 



i 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

been stated, was for the sum of $58,000, of which Mc- 
Dougal retained $14,000 for wages said to be due some 
of the men. Mr. Hunt, on his arrival at Astoria on the 
28th of February, 18 14, found Mr. McDougal in charge 
as partner of the Northwest Company, into which he 
had been admitted. 

" I estimated," said Mr. Astor, " the whole prop- 
erty to be worth nearer two hundred thousand dollars 
than forty thousand dollars, about the sum I received 
in bills on Montreal." ' This terminated Mr. Astor's 
speculation in furs on the Oregon coast. 

" Of the persons who had been attached to the Pa- 
cific Fur Company's establishments, some were mur- 
dered by the Indians on Lewis River, in the summer of 
1 81 3; some, including Mr. Franchere, the author of 
the narrative of the expedition, returned overland to 
the United States, or to Canada, and some remained 
on the banks of the Columbia, in the service of the 
Northwest Company." 3 

The Northwest Company, as has plainly appeared 
already, was jealous of Mr. Astor's Pacific Fur Com- 
pany. It had requested government aid from Great 
Britain to contend with its American rivals, but as the 
two countries were then at peace the government de- 
clined to assist. However, when war had been declared, 
the opportunity presented itself. 

Soon after the beginning of the war, a frigate called 
the Phoebe and two sloops of war, the Raccoon and the 
Cherub, were sent from England with orders to pro- 
ceed to the Columbia River and capture the American 
settlement. On their arrival at Rio de Janeiro, the 

1 See letter to the U. S. Secretary of State from John Jacob Astor in 
Greenhow's History of Oregon, pp. 439-442. 

2 Greenhow, p. 304. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 15 

orders were modified. Admiral Dickson directed the 
frigate and one of the sloops to pursue the United 
States sloop Essex, Captain Porter ; and the sloop Rac- 
coon, under command of Captain Black, was to proceed 
to the Columbia alone, where it arrived on the 1st of 
December, 1813. 

Imagine the feelings of Captain Black, of his Britan- 
nic Majesty's Royal Navy, as he sailed into the mouth 
of the Columbia River. He had been nearly a year 
on his voyage. He had crossed more than a hundred 
degrees of latitude in his journey southward, and re- 
turned northward an equal distance; while his des- 
tination was more than 120 of longitude west of his 
starting place. This extended voyage must have been 
more than sixteen thousand miles in length. The 
strength and importance of the fort had been magni- 
fied. Captain Black expected a severe struggle to 
capture it, but he was confident of success. He had 
solaced himself, during that long and monotonous 
voyage twice across the torrid zone, and while en- 
during the privations of a winter's passage around 
Cape Horn, with the reflection that after a sharp 
contest, he should win a decisive victory over the 
Yankees, and capture this important and strongly 
fortified place in the name of his royal sovereign. And 
in addition to the honor that would accrue to him from 
the success of so difficult and hazardous an under- 
taking, he would be in possession of a noble prize, 
securing for himself and his men enormous wealth from 
the rich furs and stores accumulated during several 
seasons. Welcome, then, must have been the sound 
of " Land ho! " to his ears, as he approached the end 
of his journey. 

But imagine, if you can, his surprise as he sailed into 



16 MARCUS WHITMAN 

the river and looked about with his glass for the fort 
he was to capture, to find only a small wooden fortifi- 
cation with palisades around it. In bitter astonish- 
ment he exclaimed: " Is this the Yankee fort about 
which I have heard so much ? Zounds ! but I 'd bat- 
ter it down in two hours with a four-pounder." ' 

Surprises came not singly to this redoubtable Captain 
Black. On a more careful examination with his glass 
of this insignificant fort, he observed that the flag float- 
ing from the tall mast within the enclosure was not the 
Stars and Stripes, but his own familiar flag, the Cross 
of St. George. 

When he had landed and was informed by Mc- 
Dougal, who was in chief command at the fort, that 
the entire establishment had been purchased by the 
Northwest Company, he could scarcely overcome his 
incredulity and free his mind from the fear that the 
whole story was a miserable Yankee trick, shrewdly 
planned to cheat him and his crew out of their coveted 
reward. Indeed, he could not rest satisfied, and he 
compelled Mr. McDougal to give him an inventory of 
his entire stock of furs and all other property said to 
have been purchased from the American company. 

He then went through the ceremony of taking pos- 
session of the fort in the name of King George the 
Third. Alexander Ross says : 

" They laughed heartily at their own disappointment, for 
they had made up their minds that the capture of Astoria 
would yield them a rich prize; but in place of a golden egg 
they found only an empty shell. ... On the 12th day 
of December Captain Black went through the customary 
ceremony of taking possession not only of Astoria, but of 
the ' whole country.' What the vague term of ' whole 
country ' in the present case meant, I know not. Does it 

1 See John Ross Cox, Adventures on the Columbia. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 17 

mean the Columbia ? Does it mean all the country west 
of the Rocky Mountains ? Or does it mean merely the 
country of the Pacific ? " ' 

The following incident in connection with this ex- 
pedition of Captain Black is related by Ross Cox, in 
his narrative : 

" The Indians at the mouth of the Columbia knew well 
that Great Britain and America were distinct nations, and 
that they were then at war, but were ignorant of the arrange- 
ment made between Messrs. McDougal and McTavish, the 
former of whom still continued as nominal chief at the fort. 
On the arrival of the Raccoon, which they quickly discovered 
to be one of ' King George's fighting ships,' they repaired, 
armed, to the fort, and requested an audience with Mr. 
McDougal. 

" He was somewhat surprised at their numbers and war- 
like appearance and demanded the object of such an 
unusual visit. Comcomly, the principal chief of the 
Chinooks (whose daughter McDougal had married) there- 
upon addressed him in a long speech, in the course of 
which he said that King George had sent a ship full of 
warriors and loaded with nothing but big guns, to take the 
Americans and make them all slaves, and that as they (the 
Americans) were the first white men who settled in their 
country, and treated the Indians like good relations, they 
had resolved to defend them from King George's warriors, 
and were now ready to conceal themselves in the woods 
close to the wharf, from whence they would be able, with 
their guns and arrows, to shoot all the men who should at- 
tempt to land from the English boats, while the people in 
the fort could fire at them with their big guns and rifles. 
This proposition was uttered with an earnestness of manner 
that admitted of no doubt of its sincerity. 

" Two armed boats from the Raccoon were approaching, 
and, had the people in the fort felt disposed to accede to 
the wishes of the Indians, every man in them would have 
been destroyed by an invisible enemy. 

" Mr. McDougal thanked them for their friendly offer, 

1 Alexander Ross, Adventures on the Oregon or Columbia River , p. 
259. London, 1849. 



i8 MARCUS WHITMAN 

and added that, notwithstanding the nations were at war, the 
people in the boats would not injure him or any of his 
people, and therefore requested them to throw by their 
hunting shirts and arms, and receive the strangers as their 
friends. They at first seemed astonished at this answer, 
but on assuring them in the most positive way that he was 
under no apprehensions, they consented to give up their 
weapons for a few days. They afterwards declared they 
were sorry for having complied with Mr. McDougal's 
wishes, for when they observed Captain Black, surrounded 
by his officers and marines, break the bottle of port on the 
flagstaff, and hoist the British ensign, after changing the 
name of the fort, they remarked that, however we might 
wish to conceal the fact, the Americans were undoubtedly 
made slaves; and they were not convinced of their mistake 
until the sloop of war had departed without taking any 
prisoners." 

But this little expedition did not end here. It had 
consequences depending upon it. Captain Black sailed 
away in his sloop of war, Raccoon, and returned home 
to England, again crossing the equator, sailing through 
the straits of Magellan and again over the whole 
breadth of the torrid zone, and finally hailing once 
more, after an absence of about twenty months, the 
welcome shore of fatherland. What report he gave 
of his extended trip to capture the Yankee fort is not 
told in the annals of the war. 

The contest between the two countries had closed. 
A treaty of peace was signed at Ghent, on the 21st of 
December, 1814. That treaty contained no allusion 
to the northwest coast of America. The transfer of 
the Pacific Company's establishments at Astoria and 
on the Columbia, as well as the capture of this fort 
by the British, were unknown to the ministers pleni- 
potentiary who signed the treaty. 

Nevertheless, in the first article of that treaty was 
this provision : 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 19 

" All territory, places and possessions whatsoever, 
taken by either party from the other during the war, 
or which may be taken after signing this treaty, except- 
ing the islands hereinafter mentioned [in the Bay of 
Fundy] shall be restored without delay." 

In accordance with this article, in September, 18 17, 
Captain Biddle, commanding the sloop of war Ontario, 
and Mr. J. B. Provost were jointly commissioned to 
proceed in that vessel to the mouth of the Columbia 
and there " to assert the claim of the United States to 
the sovereignty of the adjacent country in a friendly 
and peaceable manner and without the employment of 
force." 1 

The British minister objected that " the place had 
not been captured during the late war, but that the 
Americans had retired from it under an agreement with 
the Northwest Company which had purchased their 
effects and had ever since retained peaceable posses- 
sion of the coast "; also that " the territory was early 
taken possession of in his Majesty's name and had 
been since considered as forming part of his Majesty's 
dominions." 

The subject occasioned serious discussions between 
the British Secretary, Lord Castlereagh, and the 
American Minister at London, Mr. Rush. It was 
finally agreed that the post should be restored to the 
Americans and that the question of the title should be 
subject to further negotiations. 

Astoria was formally restored 2 to the United States 

1 Greenhow, p. 307 ; see President Monroe's Message to Congress, 
April 15, 1822. 

2 Observe how explicit is the statement in this paper containing the 
act of delivery : "We, the undersigned, do, in conformity with the first 
article of the Treaty of Ghent, restore to the government of the United 
States the settlement of Fort George, on the Columbia River." 



20 MARCUS WHITMAN 

on the 6th of October, 1818, by two papers signed and 
delivered, the one being the act of delivery presented 
by the British commissioners, and the other being the 
act of acceptance on the part of the American com- 
missioners. 1 The British flag was then lowered and 
the Stars and Stripes hoisted in its stead over the fort, 
and saluted by the British frigate Blossom, 

Little did Captain Black of the British sloop of war 
Raccoon, as he proudly sailed into the mouth of the 
Columbia River, on the 1st of December, 1813, with 
great expectations of a brilliant victory and a rich 
prize, — little did Captain Black then imagine that he 
was not only to be subject to a severe disappointment 
himself, but was also to be the occasion of so com- 
plicated a discussion and such important negotiations 
between the two countries. Another of his Majesty's 
sloops of war had to sail from England over that same 
long cruise of one hundred degrees of latitude south- 
ward and a hundred degrees northward, compassing a 
hundred and twenty degrees of longitude, to return 
what he had taken possession of with mere formalities. 

We pass on to the year 181 8. At this time a pro- 
longed discussion took place between the two countries 
regarding their respective claims to the Pacific coast. 
The United States laid claim to all the Oregon country 
as against Great Britain, and the negotiation resulted 
in the convention for the joint occupancy, which has 
already been described. 

Of this treaty Hon. Thomas H. Benton, in his 
Thirty Years' View? says : 

" A great fault of the treaty of 1818 was in admitting an 
organized and powerful portion of the British people to 

1 For full account of these transactions, see Greenhow, pp. 307 et seq. 

2 P. 428. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 21 

come into possession of our territories jointly with individual 
and disconnected possessions on our part. The Hudson's 
Bay Company held dominion there on the north of our 
territories. They were powerful in themselves, perfectly 
organized, protected by their government, united with it in 
policy, and controlling all the Indians from Canada and 
the Rocky Mountains out to the Pacific Ocean, and north 
to Baffin's Bay. This company was admitted by the con- 
vention of 1818, to a joint possession with us of all our 
territories on the Columbia River. The effect was soon 
seen. Their joint possession immediately became exclusive 
on the north bank of the river. Our fur traders were all 
driven from beyond the Rocky Mountains; then driven out 
of the Mountains; more than a thousand of them killed; 
forts, were built; a chain of forts established to communi- 
cate with Canada and Hudson's Bay; settlers introduced, a 
colony planted; firm possession acquired; and at the end 
of the ten years when the joint possession was to cease, the 
intrusive possessors, protected by their government, refused 
to go — began to set up their title — and obtained a renewal 
of the convention, without limit of time, and until they 
shall receive notice to quit. . . . 

M Another great fault in the convention was in admitting 
a claim on the part of Great Britain to any portion of these 
territories. Before that convention she stated no claim; 
but asked a favor — the favor of joint possession for ten 
years; now she sets up a title." 

This is Mr. Benton's way of stating it. Let us hear 
how England viewed the matter. 

Mr. Robert Greenhow, for many years the translator 
and librarian to the State Department at Washington, 
prepared in 1840 a Memoir, Historical and Political, 
on the Northwest Coast of North America, which was 
" printed for the use of the Senate." In 1844 he 
published a volume of 482 pages, entitled The History 
of Oregon and California, and the other Territories on 
the Northwest Coast of North America. This valuable 
work, which presented a critical examination of the 
facts of history, showed clearly that our government 



22 MARCUS WHITMAN 

had a just and a strong claim to the Oregon territory. 
To this work the British government felt it necessary 
to reply. 

Two years later, early in 1846, and just before 
the final settlement between our government and 
Great Britain of the northern boundary of Oregon, 
there appeared in London an octavo volume of 391 
pages, entitled The Oregon Question Examined, in Re- 
spect to Facts and the Law of Nations, prepared with 
great care and ability by a distinguished Englishman, 
T ravers Twiss, D.C.L., F.R.S., Professor of Political 
Economy in the University of Oxford and Advocate 
in Doctors' Commons. This is a work of much abil- 
ity, written with no little shrewdness, and designed to 
answer and neutralize the influence of Mr. Greenhow's 
book. 

Dr. Twiss says: " The history of those negotiations 
shows that on each occasion the United States have 
increased their claims and reduced their concessions, 
while Great Britain has not only not increased her 
claims, but on the contrary has advanced in her 
concessions." ' 

Mr. Dunn, a former Hudson's Bay man, says in his 
preface : 

" Up to 1 8 14 they, the Americans, never claimed more 
than the right to joint occupancy, — that after the Florida 
treaty, they took a bolder tone, and claimed exclusive right, 
— that in 1827 they never ventured to claim beyond the 
49th degree. But now they take a bolder tone still, and on 
the gambling principle of ' all or nothing,' claim up to the 
Russian frontier. ' ' 2 

Is it consistent with the uniform practice of Great 
Britain " not to increase her claim, but on the contrary 

1 Travers Twiss, p. 368. 

2 John Dunn, History of the Oregon Territory, p. v. London, 1844. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 23 

to advance in her concessions," when she feels assured 
that she has a good claim ? Indeed, it hardly seems 
possible that Dr. Twiss and Mr. Dunn were not con- 
scious that their very statements would naturally sug- 
gest to the unprejudiced reader that the grounds of 
England's claims could hardly have been tenable, else 
she would not have " advanced in her concessions." 

Let us now state the grounds of our claim to this 
territory as presented by Mr. Rush in 1824, and by 
Mr. Gallatin in 1826. 

In 1824 Mr. Rush claimed for the United States 
" in their own right and as their absolute and exclusive 
sovereignty and dominion, the whole of the country 
west of the Rocky Mountains from the 42d to at least 
as far as the 51st degree of north latitude." 1 He 
further said that, " in the opinion of my government, 
the title of the United States to the whole of the 
coast, from latitude 42 to as far north as 6o°, was 
superior to that of Great Britain or any other power ; 
first, through the proper claim of the United States 
by discovery and settlement; and secondly, as now 
standing in the place of Spain, and holding in their 
hands all her title." a 

It will be observed that even in 1824 Mr. Rush did 
not base our claim on the Louisiana Purchase. 

It may not be without profit to quote more fully 
from Mr. Rush's views at this time. He claimed " ex- 
clusive possession and sovereignty ... at least 
as far north as the fifty-first degree of latitude," which 
was then supposed to represent the northern limit of 
the waters of the Columbia. In support of this claim 
he cited the facts of : 

1 Rush, Court of London, 2d series, vol. ii., p. 252. 

2 Ibid., p. 265. 



24 MARCUS WHITMAN 

i. " The first discovery of the Columbia by Captain 
Gray." 

2. " The first exploration of that river from its 
source to the sea by Lewis and Clark." 

3. " The first settlement on its banks by the Pacific 
Fur Company ... a settlement which was re- 
duced by the arms of the British during the late war, 
but was formally surrendered up to the United States 
at the return of peace." 

4. " The transfer by Spain to the United States of 
all her title to those territories, founded upon the well- 
known discoveries of her navigators." 

He insisted, in obedience to express instructions 
from his government, " that no part of the American 
continent was to be open to colonization from Europe." 
Again he says : 

" The claims of the United States above the 42d parallel 
as high up as 60 degrees — claim as well in their own right 
as by accession to the title of Spain — would henceforth 
necessarily preclude other nations from forming colonial 
establishments upon any part of the American continent." ! 

The arguments for our exclusive jurisdiction, as put 
forth in 1826, may be briefly summarized as follows: 

1. The acquisition by the United States of the title 
of France through the Louisiana treaty, and the title 
of Spain through the Florida treaty. 

2. The discovery of the mouth of the Columbia. 

3. The first exploration of the country through 
which the river flows. 

4. The establishment of the first posts and settle- 
ments in those countries by American citizens. 

1 Protocol of the twelfth conference between the plenipotentiaries, 
held June 26, 1824, among the documents annexed to President Adams's 
Message to Congress, January 31, 1826. Also Rush, 2d series, vol. ii., 
pp. 256 et seq. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 25 

5. The natural recognition of the title of the United 
States by the British government, in the restitution, 
agreeably to the treaty of Ghent, of the post near the 
mouth of the Columbia, which had been taken during 
the war. 

6. Upon the ground of contiguity, which should give 
the United States a stronger right to those territories 
than could be advanced by any other power. 1 

Great Britain refused to settle the question, and re- 
jected the proposition of compromising on the line of 
latitude 49 ° ; and finally the convention of joint occu- 
pancy was renewed indefinitely, with the agreement of 
one year's notice by either party for the abrogation of 
the treaty. 

This convention was signed August 6, 1827. The 
agreement held till 1846, when a treaty was negotiated 
by James Buchanan, Secretary of State under Presi- 
dent Polk, and Richard Pakenham, the British minis- 
ter. The boundary between that part of the country 
which should hereafter belong to the United States 
and the British possessions was fixed on the 49th de- 
gree of latitude from the Rocky Mountains " to the 
middle of the channel which separates the continent 
from Vancouver's Island, and thence southerly through 
the middle of said channel and of Fuca's straits to the 
Pacific Ocean." 3 

In pressing our claims to Oregon upon the British 
government, no one ground was exclusively relied 
upon, but rather an aggregation of claims was pre- 
sented and insisted upon. Which of these grounds 
shall be considered the strongest would not be of 
much import, were it not for the efforts of some 

1 Greenhow, pp. 347, 348. 

2 See U. S. Treaties and Conventions, pp. 375, 376. 1871, 



26 MARCUS WHITMAN 

writers, taking perhaps a partial view, to exaggerate 
one of them to the exclusion of the others. Unfortu- 
nately for accurate students of history, some prominent 
persons several years ago endeavored to confine our 
claims to this territory to the right derived from our 
purchase of Louisiana from the French in 1803. As a 
matter of fact, this is the weakest ground of all. 

We are under great obligations to General Francis 
A. Walker, Superintendent of the Census, for much 
valuable information in the volume on Population of 
the ninth census, relating to the history of the various 
sections of our territory. 1 

This information he subsequently expanded and 
published in his valuable Statistical Atlas of the United 
States y Part II. of which is devoted to " Memoirs 
and Discussions." This Part II. comprises four chap- 
ters, as follows: ' The Political Divisions of the 
United States," with a map by S. W. Stocking; 
' The Minor Political Divisions of the United States," 
by S. A. Galpin; ' The Progress of the Nation," 
by General Walker; and " Population," by E. B. 
Elliott. This probably gives more practical and valu- 
able information in a condensed form in relation to the 
territorial accessions than could heretofore have been 
obtained. 

It is, therefore, more to be regretted that these 
gentlemen, Walker and Stocking, should have fallen 
into so great an error as to represent Oregon as a part 
of Louisiana. It would seem that the map was pre- 
pared by Colonel Stocking without due care, and 
allowed by General Walker to be inserted in his census 
volume and subsequently in his atlas, without his giving 

1 See Volume on Population, ninth census, pp. 573-587, and map in 
connection. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 27 

the subject that careful and critical attention which so 
important a step evidently demanded. 

In a personal letter to Mr. John J. Anderson, Gen- 
eral Walker said : 

" My reason for embracing Oregon in the territory 
covered by the Louisiana Purchase, for the purposes of the 
map printed in connection with the reports of the Ninth 
Census, or, rather, for allowing the map which Colonel 
Stocking had prepared, to go into the work without cor- 
rection in this particular, was, that the United States gov- 
ernment, as I recall the negotiations, had made claim to 
Oregon by virtue of the Louisiana Purchase." 

In another letter addressed to a prominent educator^ 
General Walker admitted the error, in these words : " I s 
am free to confess that my individual views do not 
coincide therewith." Subsequently, however, General 
Walker wrote in substance that he felt sure the posi- 
tion he had taken was the true one, but he could not 
at that time state his reasons for it. He had forgotten 
about the matter. As late as 1883, General Walker 
published an article in The Nation, in which he still 
held that the Oregon country was a part of the Louis- 
iana Purchase, and he quoted a legend upon the map 
of that country which was inserted in Marbois's History 
of Louisiana. Yet that very map shows that the 
Louisiana province did not extend beyond longitude 
1 io°, which, at that time, was supposed to represent 
the general position of the Rocky Mountains. 

It may be sufficient answer to quote from Marbois 
himself. In the English translation of his History of 
Louisiana, on pp. 285, 286, is the following: 

"Is it not better for the United States to abide by a 
general stipulation, and since these territories are still at 
this day, for the most part, in the possession of the Indians, 
await future arrangements, or leave the matter for the treaty 



28 MARCUS WHITMAN 

stipulations that the United States may make with them 
and Spain ? In granting Canada to the English, at the 
peace of 1763, we only extended the cession to the country 
that we possessed. It is, however, as a consequence of 
that treaty that England has occupied territory to the 
west as far as the great Northern Ocean. . . . It is in 
fact important not to introduce ambiguous clauses into 
treaties; however, the American plenipotentiaries made no 
objections, and if, in appearing to be resigned to these gen- 
eral terms through necessity, they considered them really 
preferable to more precise stipulations, it must be admitted 
that the event has justified their foresight. The shores of 
the Western Ocean were certainly not included in the ces- 
sion, but the United States are already established there." 

Following the lead of General Walker and Mr. 
Stocking, many writers have copied this valuable map 
and of course have copied the error regarding Oregon. 
But there is no foundation for the opinion that Oregon 
belonged to France, and could thus have been ceded 
to us as a part of Louisiana. 

I. France never claimed beyond the Rocky Moun- 
tains. 

In 1712, King Louis XIV. granted to Antoine Crozat 
the exclusive trade of the territory called Louisiana. 
This grant gives the earliest exposition of the limits of 
that region. In the grant the boundaries of the terri- 
tory are described as follows : 

". . . bounded by New Mexico and by those of the 
English in Carolina. The river St. Louis, formerly called 
the Mississippi, from the Staghorn to the Illinois, together 
with the river St. Philip, formerly called the Missouries 
River, and the St. Jerome, formerly called the Wabash 
[the Ohio] with all the countries, territories, lakes in the 
land, and the rivers emptying directly or indirectly into 
that part of the river St. Louis." 

This could by no possible construction include any- 
thing beyond the head waters of the Missouri. France 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 29 

never afterwards claimed for herself beyond the Rocky 
Mountains. 

2. Spain always claimed that Louisiana was limited 
by the Rocky Mountains. 1 

During all our negotiations with Spain in relation to 
Florida, which included a full discussion of our western 
boundaries, Spain never admitted for a moment that 
Louisiana extended beyond the mountains. 

3. Neither Great Britain nor any British writers 
upon the subject ever allowed the claim that Louisiana 
extended west of the Rocky Mountains. 

4. Until after the treaty of Florida in 18 19, our gov- 
ernment never claimed that our title was perfect. 

Messrs. Gallatin and Rush in 18 18, in reporting to 
their government, stated : " We did not assert that the 
United States had a perfect right to that country, but 
insisted that our claim was at least good against Great 
Britain." 2 

But after our purchase of Florida and the settlement 
of the boundary between our territory and the Spanish 
provinces at latitude 42 north, — that is, when we had 
purchased Florida, given up Texas to Spain, and she 
had ceded her right to Oregon to us, — then and not till 
then, did we set up a complete claim to that country. 

In 1845 Secretary Buchanan asserted : 

" Our own American title to the extent of the valley of the 
Columbia, resting, as it does, on discovery, exploration, and 
possession, — a possession acknowledged by a most solemn 
act by Great Britain herself, is a sufficient assurance against 
all mankind; whilst our superadded title derived from Spain 

1 See State Papers, 1817-18, p. 437- Our Secretary of State, John 
Quincy Adams, says, "the only boundaries ever acknowledged by 
France before the cession to Spain in 1762 were those marked out in 
the grant from Louis XIV. to Crozat." 

2 See Travers Twiss, p. 202. 



So MARCUS WHITMAN 

extends our exclusive rights over the whole territory in dis- 
pute against Great Britain." ' 

This position, expressed by Mr. Buchanan in his 
negotiations with the British government in 1845, had 
been uniformly held by our government from the time 
of the treaty of Florida. Dr. Twiss himself said : 

" In 1824 Mr. Rush commenced his negotiations by 
claiming for the United States, ' in their own right, ex- 
clusive sovereignty and dominion, to the whole of the 
country west of the Rocky Mountains, from the 42d to at 
least as far up as the 51st degree of north latitude.' He 
further said that ' in the opinion of my government, the 
title of the United States to the whole of that coast, from 
latitude 42 to as far north as 6o°, was superior to that of 
Great Britain or any other power: 

11 ' First: Through the proper claim of the United States 
by discovery and settlement: and 

" ' Second: As now standing in the place of Spain, and 
holding in their hands all her title.' " 2 

5. The opinion that Louisiana did not extend be- 
yond the Rocky Mountains has been almost uniformly 
held by the leading men of our government. We 
have mentioned the views of Mr. Rush, Mr. Gallatin, 
Mr. John Quincy Adams, and Mr. Buchanan; all of 
whom conducted at different times negotiations with 
Great Britain upon this subject. Mr. Jefferson in a 
letter written in August, 1803, immediately after the 
ratification of the treaty for the purchase of Louisiana, 
said: 

" The boundaries [of Louisiana] which I deem not ad- 
mitting question are the high lands on the western side of 
the Mississippi, enclosing all its waters (the Missouri of 
course) and terminating in a line drawn from the north- 
west side of the Lake of the Woods, to the nearest source 
of the Mississippi." 

1 Letter of Mr. Buchanan, July 12, 1845. 2 Travers Twiss, p. 269. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 31 

Mr. Jefferson also said in a letter written December 
31, 1 8 16, to John Melish, map publisher, of Philadel- 
phia: 

" The western boundary of Louisiana is rightfully the 
Rio Bravo from its mouth to its source and thence along 
the highlands and mountains dividing the waters of the 
Mississippi from those of the Pacific. On the waters of the 
Pacific we can found no claim in right of Louisiana." 

In 1 8 19 came the Florida treaty between Spain and 
the United States, which fixed the boundary line west 
of the Rocky Mountains, between the United States 
and the Spanish Mexican provinces, as latitude 42 ; 
the King of Spain " ceding to the United States all 
his rights, claims and pretentions to any territory north 
of said line." This treaty refers to the Melish map, 
— which map was accepted by both governments as 
correct, — and this map gives the Rocky Mountains as 
the western limits of the Louisiana Purchase; the 
region beyond to the Pacific being designated as " the 
unexplored region." This is another evidence that 
the United States did not claim that region as a part 
of the purchase from France. 

John J. Anderson, Ph.D=, the author of a series of 
school histories of the United States, in reviewing this 
subject uses the following language : 

" In March, 1844, Mr. A. V. Brown, from the ' Commit- 
tee on Territories ' made a report to Congress, covering 
twenty-four closely printed pages, in which this whole ques- 
tion is thoroughly discussed. In all this long report there 
is not the first attempt to prove that our right to Oregon 
came to us through the Louisiana Purchase. 

" Mr. Clay says not a word of the Louisiana Purchase; 
and Mr. Gallatin, in his able and exhaustive discussion on 
the subject, as manifested in his letters, and in his cele- 
brated pamphlet of seventy-five pages published in 1846, 
makes but the briefest allusion to the Louisiana Purchase. 



32 MARCUS WHITMAN 

The whole bent of his argument is to show that our title to 
Oregon came to us through discoveries, exploration, and 
occupation. Mr. Caleb Cushing's report, made to Congress 
in January, 1839; the books written from the British stand- 
point, by the English authors, Thomas Falconer, Travers 
Twiss, and John Dunn; besides numerous pamphlets, an 
able article in the North American Review for 1845 (p. 214), 
as well as Presidents' messages, and reports of debates in 
Congress — all reviewing and discussing the Oregon Ques- 
tion — have been read by me with great care; but nowhere 
have I seen any attempt whatever to prove that any part of 
the region west of the Rocky Mountains ever belonged to 
France, or that France ever made any pretense of convey- 
ing it to the United States. The region was no part of the 
Louisiana Purchase." ' 

In 1839, Hon. Caleb Cushing, from the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, submitted to Congress an able and 
exhaustive report, reviewing our grounds for claiming 
Oregon, in which he expresses substantially the views 
given above. In this report Mr. Cushing says: 

" The United States, then, claim title to the exclusive 
dominion, as against any foreign power, of the country, 
extending east and west from the Rocky Mountains to the 
Pacific Ocean and north and south from the limits of the 
Mexican Republic in latitude 42 north to those of Russia 
in latitude 54 degrees and 40 minutes north, with an offer 
to relinquish to Great Britain all north of latitude 49 . 
They claim this on these grounds: 1. In their own right; 
2. As the successor of France; and 3. Of Spain." 

He then elaborates the first and third points and 
slides over the second. He shows that after our pur- 
chase of Louisiana, Spain was the only power that 
could contest our claim to the Pacific territory. He 
says: 

" The Louisiana treaty cedes to the United States the 
colony or province of Louisiana with the extent it had in 

1 From a pamphlet by Dr. Anderson, entitled, Did the Louisiana 
Purchase Extend to the Pacific Ocean? p. 4. 1880. 



OUR CLAIMS TO THE OREGON COUNTRY 3 3 

the hands of Spain in 1800, and that it had when previously 
possessed by France, with all its rights and appurtenances. 
" This description is, to be sure, sufficiently loose. But 
Napoleon having made the cession at the moment of going 
to war with Great Britain, and having made it to prevent 
the country falling into the hands of the latter, and having 
ceded it to the United States out of friendly feelings toward 
us, and in order to augment our power as against that of 
Great Britain: — being actuated by those motives, he of 
course chose to execute a quit-claim rather than a warranty 
of boundaries; and the United States, placed in the position 
of acquiring, at a cheap price, a territory almost invaluable 
to her, had no disposition to be hypercritical on this point, 
and thus hazard the loss of such a favorable contingency. 
And though much controversy sprang up in regard to the 
southwestern or southeastern limits of Louisiana, yet all 
this resolved itself at length into a question with Spain, as 
did also the doubts as to the western limits of Louisiana." 1 

These statements show clearly that there was no 
doubt in the mind of Mr. Cushing in reference to the 
western boundaries of Louisiana ; and also that no gov- 
ernment except that of Spain could show any claim to 
this country. When, therefore, we had purchased her 
right, our claim to Oregon, throughout its widest ex- 
tent, was absolutely indisputable. 

We conclude, therefore, that our claim to Oregon 
consisted first in our own right, coming from discovery, 
exploration, settlement, and contiguity ; and secondly 
in our succeeding to the right which Spain might have 
set up to all that coast north of latitude 42 . 

It is interesting to note that within the last few 
years no important book on American history has 
advocated the theory that the Louisiana Purchase 
extended beyond the Rocky Mountains. On the 
contrary, many prominent writers have taken the 

1 Document No. 101, p. 7. House of Representatives, Twenty-fifth 
Congress, Third Session. 
3 



34 MARCUS WHITMAN 

ground that the western boundary of Louisiana was 
the Rocky Mountains. Among these may be men- 
tioned Mr. Blaine in his Twenty Years in Congress, Mr. 
McMaster and Dr. Fisher in their histories of the 
United States, and Dr. Hinsdale in The Old Northwest. 
One of the best wall maps of the United States 
recently issued is the land map published under the 
direction of the United States Government by the 
General Land Office. Two or three editions of this 
map have perpetuated the error of Walker and Stock- 
ing by including the Oregon country in the Louisiana 
Purchase. Such protests were poured in upon the 
Department of the Interior that quite lately an inves- 
tigation of the subject was ordered, and the conclusion 
was reached that this was an error. The announce- 
ment has been made that future editions of this map 
will conform to the facts and carry the Louisiana Pur- 
chase only to the Rocky Mountains. 



CHAPTER I 

EARLY MISSIONS IN THE OREGON COUNTRY 

WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, in his soliloquy 
upon death which he named Thanatopsis, 
searches the whole world for a lifeless country, — a 
country void of life, but filled with the dead. It 
would seem that he was unfortunate in his choice. 
He passed by Sahara, Arabia, and Siberia. He 
selected to represent that country without life, but 
peopled with the dead, the valley of the Columbia. 

*' Take the wings of morning, 
And lose thyself in the continuous woods 
Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound 
Save his own dashings — yet — the dead are there : 
And millions in those solitudes, since first 
The flight of years began, have laid them down 
In their last sleep — the dead reign there alone." 

There has been no time since civilized men first 
visited the shores of that great river, when the country 
was uninhabited. When Robert Gray first landed 
from his ship Columbia ten or twenty miles up the 
river, he traded with the Indians, who were then 
living there. Vancouver found many Indians near the 
banks of the Columbia forty or fifty miles from its 
mouth. Lewis and Clark in 1805 and 1806 found 
swarms of Indians lining the banks of the river. The 
missionaries in 1834, '35, and '36 were sent to preach 
the gospel not to the dead, but to the living. 

35 



36 MARCUS WHITMAN 

During the first third of the nineteenth century, 
only aboriginal Indians were the inhabitants of the 
Oregon country. The origin of civilization upon that 
coast was due to missionary spirit and enterprise, and 
this missionary spirit was aroused by the action of the 
Indians themselves. 

The Lewis and Clark party passed through the coun- 
try of the Nez Perces and Flatheads, and an entire 
generation afterwards, stories were current among the 
Indians of that company of white men. It happened in 
some way that the Indians secured from them a tall 
silk hat, and for twenty or thirty years that hat was 
to the Indians a symbol of the white men. It was a 
great trophy for any one who could obtain possession 
of it. That old silk hat was the occasion of many a 
story being told of what happened when the white 
men went through their country. It was said that 
these white men carried with them straight iron rods, 
and that at any time they willed it, the rods would 
thunder and send out lightnings. They carried with 
them a brass voice that could bray louder than an ass 
and could be heard farther than the howl of a buffalo 
or a black bear. 

These red men came to believe that their white 
brethren were the favorite children of the Great Spirit 
who alone rules the world. The white men had a 
" Book from Heaven," which told them how they 
should live, in order to be happy and finally reach the 
happy hunting grounds after death. 

Was it not natural that they should wish to be in- 
structed by their white brethren and to receive from 
them the " Book from Heaven " ? These thoughts 
of the Indians took final shape at a council fire which 
was held probably in the early springtime of 1832. 



EARLY MISSIONS 37 

There on the western slope of the Rocky Mountains, 
these Indian sages, warriors, and chiefs discussed 
the whole situation and finally decided to send a 
delegation of four men over the mountains towards 
the sun-rising to ask aid from the pale-faces. They 
appointed as their delegates two old men and two 
young men, and with many a word of encouragement 
and cheer this Indian embassy set out on its long jour- 
ney. Which way they came, how long was their 
journey, what sufferings they endured, will never be 
known. What a heroic undertaking ! What a story 
those men could have told ! How and where did they 
get through the mountains ? How did they succeed 
in swimming the rivers ? 

But they did succeed. In the autumn of 1832 they 
appeared in St. Louis. Before long two of them 
sickened and died, and the remaining two started 
back for their country in the spring of 1833. 

In The Illinois Patriot, published in Jacksonville, 
October 12, 1833, is the following article: 

THE OREGON COUNTRY 

A meeting was held in this place a few weeks since, by 
some gentlemen who felt anxious to bear their part in 
Christianizing and civilizing the Indians of this country, 
and particularly those who have expressed a desire to be- 
come acquainted with our religious institutions. A com- 
mittee was appointed by the meeting to make the necessary 
investigations. This committee, consisting of the Rev. 
Lucian Farnam and Mr. Julius Reed, visited St. Louis, 
and there made such inquiries of individuals who had be- 
come personally acquainted with the character and locality 
of the tribes in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains, and 
consulted such authorities as the object of their investiga- 
tions seemed to demand. 

During the late session of the Illinois Synod, held in 
this town, this committee made a report, an extract from 



38 MARCUS WHITMAN 

which will be found below. We publish this extract be- 
cause it contains much interesting and authentic informa- 
tion in regard to a portion of our country which is, at no 
distant day, to be occupied by citizens from all parts of the 
United States. If any benevolent individuals are disposed 
to go out as pioneers among the tribes who inhabit these 
regions, and shall become instrumental in so subduing their 
natural ferocity as to induce them to " beat their swords into 
ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks," they 
should be looked upon as contributors to the happiness and 
prosperity of the nation at large. In so doing, they will 
save the lives and property of many who would otherwise 
fall a prey to savage barbarity in its natural state. It is 
surprising that our General Government is so slow to dis- 
cover that, by establishing schools and sending good men 
to instruct the Indians in the principles of the Christian re- 
ligion and in the arts of civilized life, it will contribute to 
the safety and prosperity of all our frontier settlers. Had 
the Government done its duty in this particular, there need 
not have been so much treasure expended — so much blood 
spilt — as there has been in protecting our frontiers from 
the butcheries of these ferocious children of the forest. 

In the few brief statements that will now be made, it is 
not pretended that all the sources of information have been 
consulted, or that all the information has been obtained, 
that might be, from these. But the facts which we pro- 
cured, were drawn from several sources, and those among 
the best that are to be found. And the inquiries of the 
committee were as extensive and minute as their time and 
the nature of the case would admit. And in presenting these 
facts, infallibility in all the particulars is not pretended, 
but this much can be safely promised, that all the important 
facts will be found in the main correct, and that these facts, 
though not so numerous and particular as could be wished, 
are, nevertheless, sufficient, it is believed, to bring the in- 
quiring mind to some satisfactory conclusions. 

In attempting an investigation of this kind, one thing 
which strikes the mind with peculiar force is the extreme 
difficulty of obtaining particular information of the kind 
which is needed. Much general information, and that very 
valuable, can be obtained, but it cannot be made to bear 
with that minuteness upon the particular subject of our in- 
quiries, as would be desirable. With these few preliminary 



EARLY MISSIONS 39 

observations I shall proceed to state the information which 
has been obtained. And as much interest has been awak- 
ened in the mind of the Christian public by the visit of 
certain Indians to General Clark to inquire into the Chris- 
tian religion, I shall commence with them. 

It is a fact that, in the autumn of 1831 [1832], four 
Indians from beyond the Rocky Mountains came to Gen- 
eral Clark, in St. Louis, for no other ostensible purpose 
than to make inquiries concerning our religion. The cir- 
cumstances which led to this visit are already before the 
public. Three of these Indians were from what is called 
the Flathead tribe, and one of them from another tribe, 
which I do not recollect that General Clark mentioned 
— probably, however, from the adjoining tribe, called 
Pierced-Nose Indians. They remained several months 
with General Clark, and attended all the places of wor- 
ship in the city. During their stay two of them died; in 
the spring the others returned to their countrymen, very 
favorably impressed, and highly gratified with the kind 
treatment they had received. The ideas they obtained on 
the subject of their embassy must have been very limited 
and indistinct, from the difficulty both of understanding 
the particular points of their inquiries, and of communi- 
cating to them the answers in such terms as they could 
comprehend. And even had they been adepts in our lan- 
guage, and had they possessed every facility for instruction, 
the time was so short, that they could have carried back to 
their nation but a very imperfect sketch of the Christian 
religion. From anything that could be learned on the 
subject, it does not appear whether these Indians were a 
delegation from their tribe, or whether, being of a more 
inquisitive turn of mind than their brethren, and having 
their curiosity excited by the white man's story, they came 
as mere adventurers to gratify their curiosity. Nor does it 
appear whether those who returned, received such an im- 
pression in regard to the Christian religion as that they 
would prefer it to their own superstitious rites. 

These " circumstances already before the public" 
would seem to refer to an article in The Christian Ad- 
vocate, New York, which was published March 1, 1833. 
This article is frequently referred to by writers upon 



40 MARCUS WHITMAN 

this subject. It is of such importance that it has been 
obtained from the files of the Advocate, and the larger 
part of it is here quoted : 

THE FLATHEAD INDIANS 

The plans to civilize the savage tribes of our country 
are among the most remarkable signs of the times. To 
ameliorate the condition of the Indians, and to preserve 
them from gradual decline and extinction, the government 
of the United States have proposed and already commenced 
removing them to the region westward of the Mississippi. 
Here it is intended to establish them in a permanent resi- 
dence. Some powerful nations of these aborigines, having 
accepted the proposal, have already emigrated to their new 
lands, and others are now preparing to follow them. 
Among those who still remain are the Wyandots, a tribe 
long distinguished as standing at the head of the great 
Indian family. . . . 

They, amounting to five hundred, are the only Indians 
in Ohio who have determined to remain upon their lands. 
The Senecas, Shawnees, and Ottawas have all sold their 
Ohio possessions, and have either removed, or are on their 
way to the west of the Mississippi. A small band of about 
seventy Wyandots from the Big Spring have disposed of 
their reservation of sixteen thousand acres, but have not 
accepted the offered lands of the government in exchange. 
They will retire into Michigan, or Canada, after leaving 
some of their number at the main reservation of Upper 
Sandusky. 

The Wyandots, after urgent and often repeated solici- 
tations of the government for their removal, wisely resolved 
to send agents to explore the region offered them in ex- 
change, before they made any decision upon the proposal. 
In November last [1832] the party started on the exploring 
expedition, and visited their proposed residence. This 
was a tract of country containing about two hundred thou- 
sand acres, and situated between the western part of Mis- 
souri and the Missouri River. The location was found to 
be one altogether unsuitable to the views, the necessities, 
and the support of the nation. They consequently declined 
the exchange. 

Since their return, one of the exploring party, Mr. 



EARLY MISSIONS 41 

William Walker, an interpreter, and himself a member of 
the nation, sent me a communication. As it contains some 
valuable facts of a region from which we seldom hear, the 
letter is now offered for publication. 

Upper Sandusky, January 19, 1833. 

Dear Friend, — Your last letter, dated Nov. 12, came duly to hand. 
The business part is answered in another communication which is inclosed. 

I deeply regret that I have had no opportunity of answering your 
very friendly letter in a manner that would be satisfactory to myself ; 
neither can I now, owing to a want of time and a retired place, where 
I can write undisturbed. 

You, no doubt, can fancy me seated in my small dwelling, at the 
dining table, attempting to write, while my youngest (sweet little 
urchin ! ) is pulling my pocket-handkerchief out of my pocket, and 
Henry Clay, my only son, is teasing me to pronounce a word he has 
found in his little spelling book. This done, a loud rap is heard at my 
door, and two or three of my Wyandot friends make their appearance, 
and are on some business. I drop my pen, dispatch the business, and 
resume it. 

The country we explored is truly a land of savages. It is wild and 
romantic ; it is champaign, but beautifully undulated country. You 
can travel in some parts for whole days and not find timber enough to 
afford a riding switch, especially after you get off the Missouri and her 
principal tributary streams. The soil is generally a dark loam, but not 
of a durable kind for agriculture. As a country for agricultural pur- 
suits, it is far inferior to what it has been represented to be. It is de- 
plorably defective in timber. There are millions of acres on which you 
cannot procure timber enough to make a chicken coop. Those parts 
that are timbered are on some of the principal streams emptying into 
the great Missouri, and are very broken, rough, and cut up with deep 
ravines ; and the timber, what there is of it, is of an inferior quality, 
generally a small growth of white, black, and burr oaks, hickory, ash, 
buckeye, mulberry, linwood, coffee bean, a low scrubby kind of birch, 
red and slippery elm, and a few scattering walnut trees. It is remark- 
able, in all our travels west of the Mississippi River, we never found 
even one solitary poplar, beech, pine, or sassafras tree, though we were 
informed that higher up the Missouri River, above Council Bluffs, pine 
trees abound to a great extent, especially the nearer you approach the 
Rocky Mountains. The immense country embraced between the 
western line of the state of Missouri and the territory of Arkansas, and 
the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains on the west, and the Texas 



42 MARCUS WHITMAN 

and Santa Fe on the south, is inhabited by the Osage, Sioux (pro- 
nounced Sooz), Pawnees, Comanches, Pancahs, Arrapahoes, Assini- 
boins, Riccarees, Yanktons, Omahaws, Blackfeet, Ottoes, Crow 
Indians, Sacs, Fowes, and Iowas ; all a wild, fierce, and warlike people. 
West of the mountains reside the Flatheads, and many other tribes, 
whose names I do not now recollect. 

I will here relate an anecdote, if I may so call it. Immediately after 
we landed in St. Louis, on our way to the west, I proceeded to Gen. 
Clark's, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to present our letters of intro- 
duction from the Secretary of War, and to receive the same from him to 
the different Indian agents in the upper country. While in his office 
and transacting business with him, he informed me that three chiefs 
from the Flathead nation were in his house, and were quite sick, and 
that one (the fourth) had died a few days ago. They were from the 
west of the Rocky Mountains. Curiosity prompted me to step into the 
adjoining room to see them, having never seen any, but often heard of 
them. I was struck with their appearance. They differ in appearance 
from any tribe of Indians I have ever seen : small in size, delicately 
formed, small limbs, and the most exact symmetry throughout, except 
the head. I had always supposed from their being called " Flatheads," 
that the head was actually flat on the top ; but this is not the case. The 
head is flattened thus : [Here was a cut showing the flattening of the 
forehead from the nose to the top of the head.] 

From the point of the nose to the apex of the head, there is a per- 
fect straight line, the protuberance of the forehead is flattened or lev- 
elled. You may form some idea of the shape of their heads from the 
rough sketch I have made with the pen, though I confess I have drawn 
most too long a proboscis for a Flathead. This is produced by a pres- 
sure upon the cranium while in infancy. The distance they had trav- 
elled on foot was nearly three thousand miles to see Gen. Clark, their 
Great Father, as they call him, he being the first American officer they 
ever became acquainted with, and having much confidence in him, they 
had come to consult him, as they said, upon very important matters. 
Gen. Clark related to me the object of their mission, and, my dear 
friend, it is impossible for me to describe to you my feelings while 
listening to his narrative. I will here relate it as briefly as I well can. 
It appeared that some white man had penetrated into their country, and 
happened to be a spectator at one of their religious ceremonies, which 
they scrupulously perform at stated periods. He informed them that 
their mode of worshipping the Supreme Being was radically wrong, 
and instead of being acceptable and pleasing, it was displeasing to him ; 
he also informed them that the white people away toward the rising of 



EARLY MISSIONS 43 

the sun had been put in possession of the true mode of worshipping the 
Great Spirit. They had a book containing directions how to conduct 
themselves in order to enjoy his favor and hold converse with him ; 
and with this guide no one need go astray, but everyone that would 
follow the directions laid down there could enjoy, in this life, his favor, 
and after death would be received into the country where the Great 
Spirit resides, and live forever with him. 

Upon receiving this information, they called a national council to 
take this subject into consideration. Some said : if this be true, it is 
certainly high time we were put in possession of this mode, and if our 
mode of worshipping be wrong and displeasing to the Great Spirit, it is 
high time we laid it aside ; we must know something more about this, 
it is a matter that cannot be put off, the sooner we know it the better. 
They accordingly deputed four of their chiefs to proceed to St. Louis 
to see their Great Father, Gen. Clark, to inquire of him, having no doubt 
but he would tell them the whole truth about it. 

They arrived at St. Louis and presented themselves to Gen. Clark. 
The latter was somewhat puzzled, being sensible of the responsibility 
that rested on him. He, however, proceeded by informing them that 
what they had been told by the white men in their own country was 
true. He then went into a succinct history of man from his creation 
down to the advent of the Savior ; explained to them all the moral pre- 
cepts contained in the Bible, expounded to them the decalogue, in- 
formed them of the advent of the Savior, his life, precepts, his death, 
resurrection, ascension, and the relation he now stands to man as a me- 
diator — that he will judge the world, etc. 

Poor fellows, they were not all permitted to return home to their 
people with the intelligence. Two died in St. Louis, and the remain- 
ing two, though somewhat indisposed, set out for their native land. 
Whether they reached home or not, is not known. The change of 
climate and diet operated very severely upon their health. Their diet 
when at home is chiefly vegetables and fish. 

If they died on the way home, peace be to their manes ! They died 
inquirers after the truth. I was informed that the Flatheads as a nation 
have the fewest vices of any tribe of Indians on the continent of America. 

I had just concluded that I would lay this rough and uncouth scroll 
aside and revise it before sending it, but if I lay it aside you will never 
receive it ; so I will send it to you just as it is, " with all its imperfec- 
tions," hoping that you may be able to decipher it. You are at liberty 
to make what use of it you please. . . . 

Yours in haste, William Walker. 

G. P. DlSOSWAY, Esq. 



44 MARCUS WHITMAN 

How deeply affecting is the circumstance of the four 
natives traveling on foot three thousand miles through 
thick forests and extensive prairies, sincere searchers after 
truth ! The story has scarcely a parallel in history. What 
a touching theme does it form for the imagination and pen 
of a Montgomery, a Mrs. Hemans, or our own fair Sigour- 
ney! With what intense concern will men of God whose 
souls are fired with holy zeal for the salvation of their 
fellow-beings, read their history ! There are immense 
plains, mountains, and forests in those regions whence 
they came, the abode of numerous savage tribes. But no 
apostle of Christ has yet had the courage to penetrate into 
their moral darkness. Adventurous and daring fur traders 
only have visited these regions, unknown to the rest of the 
world, except from their own account of them. If the 
Father of Spirits, as revealed by Jesus Christ, is not known 
among these interior wilds of America, they nevertheless 
often resound the praises of the unknown, invisible, Great 
Spirit, as he is denominated by the savages. They are not 
ignorant of the immortality of their souls, and speak of 
some future delicious island or country where departed 
spirits rest. May we not indulge the hope that the day is 
not far distant when the missionaries will penetrate into 
these wilds where the Sabbath bell has never yet tolled since 
the world began ! There is not, perhaps, west of the 
Rocky Mountains, any portion of the Indians that presents 
at this moment a spectacle so full of interest to contempla- 
tive minds as the Flathead tribe. Not a thought of con- 
verting or civilizing them ever enters the mind of the sordid, 
demoralizing hunters and fur traders. These simple chil- 
dren of nature even shrink from the loose morality and 
inhumanities often introduced among them by the white 
man. Let the Church awake from her slumbers, and go 
forth in her strength to the salvation of these wandering 
sons of our native forests. We are citizens of this vast 
universe, and our life embraces not merely a moment, but 
eternity itself. Thus exalted, what can be more worthy of 
our high destination than to befriend our species and those 
efforts that are making to release immortal spirits from the 
chains of error and superstition, and to bring them to the 
knowledge of the true God. 

G. P. D. 

New York, February 18, 1833. 



EARLY MISSIONS 45 

The Lewis and Clark party had evidently made a 
strong impression upon the minds of those Indians, and 
this impression had been deepened by occasional inter- 
views with hunters, trappers, and fur traders. At last 
these four men started towards the rising sun and at the 
end of their journey appeared in St. Louis, at the orifice 
of General Clark, who was then Superintendent of In- 
dian Affairs for the whole Northwest. They came to 
him not only because of the office which he held, but 
also because he had been one of the two leaders of the 
famous Lewis and Clark party. Through the whole 
winter they were cared for, and supplied with food, 
clothing, and shelter. General Clark took them to the 
theatre and other places of entertainment, and they 
attended services in the Catholic Cathedral and several 
other churches in St. Louis. That which pleased the 
Indians most of all was riding in a carriage on wheels, 
a never-ending source of amusement. 

The springtime came, and the two survivors must 
return to their people. Their return journey was 
doubtless far less laborious than the trip eastward. 
They were taken on a river steamboat belonging to 
the American Fur Company as far as one of the com- 
pany's trading posts at the junction of the Yellow- 
stone and Missouri rivers. From there they traveled 
overland to their home, following almost exactly the 
route of the Lewis and Clark party. It is generally 
believed that only one of the Indians lived to reach 
his people and tell them of his journey and of his en- 
tertainment by the pale-faces ; and also to say to them, 
as he must, that the white brethren had not sent them 
any teachers or their " Book from Heaven." 

Before leaving St. Louis, the two surviving delegates 
made the usual ceremonial call upon General Clark to 



46 MARCUS WHITMAN 

bid him farewell. Some writers state that before their 
departure General Clark gave them a banquet, and the 
spokesman in his farewell address made clear their sor- 
row and disappointment because they must return 
empty-handed without the Book and without the re- 
ligious guide. These were his pathetic words : 

" I came to you over a trail of many moons from the 
setting sun. You were the friend of my fathers, who have 
all gone the long way. I came with one eye partly opened, 
for more light for my people who sit in darkness. I go 
back with both eyes closed. How can I go back blind to 
my blind people ? I made my way to you with strong 
arms, through many enemies and strange lands, that I 
might carry back much to them. I go back with both arms 
broken and empty. The two fathers who came with me — 
the braves of many winters and wars — we leave asleep here 
by your great water. They were tired in many moons and 
their moccasins wore out. My people sent me to get the 
white man's Book from Heaven. You took me where you 
allow your women to dance, as we do not ours, and the 
Book was not there. You took me where they worship the 
Great Spirit with candles, and the Book was not there. 
You showed me the images of good spirits and pictures of 
the good land beyond, but the Book was not among them. 
I am going back the long, sad trail to my people of the dark 
land. You make my feet heavy with burdens of gifts, and 
my moccasins will grow old in carrying them, but the Book 
is not among them. When I tell my poor blind people, 
after one more snow, in the big council, that I did not 
bring the Book, no word will be spoken by our old men or 
by our young braves. One by one they will rise up and go 
out in silence. My people will die in darkness, and they 
will go on the long path to the other hunting grounds. No 
white man will go with them and no white man's Book, to 
make the way plain. I have no more words." 

One of the clerks in General Clark's office took 
down at the moment the speech of the Indian as it 
was interpreted to General Clark, and it began to be 



EARLY MISSIONS 47 

circulated. Rev. H. H. Spalding, one of Dr. Whit- 
man's associate missionaries, whose work lay among the 
Nez Perces, says that years afterwards the speaker 
repeated to him in substance the speech that he made 
to General Clark on that occasion. 

It has been currently reported that these four Indians 
were from two tribes, the Flatheads and the Nez 
Percys. Dr. Cushing Eells, one of Dr. Whitman's as- 
sociates, told the writer that this movement originated 
with the Nez Perces only, and it would seem that 
Dr. Eells was correct. Rev. Daniel Lee, in his book 
entitled, Ten Years in Oregon, says they were '* prob- 
ably the Nez Perce tribe." Mr. Lee further says: 
1 The writer saw General Clark in 1834, two years 
after their visit, and learned from him these particulars 
in relation to it. Two of them became sick and died 
in St. Louis, and the other two started to return to 
their native land." 1 It is probable that at that time 
several tribes beyond the Rocky Mountains followed 
the custom of flattening the heads of their children, 
including those later known as " Flatheads " and the 
" Nez Perces." 

It is well known that George Catlin, the famous 
painter of Indian portraits, went west in the spring of 
1833, an d soon after leaving St. Louis he found that 
the two surviving Indians of this embassy were in the 
same caravan with himself. On that journey he 
painted their portraits, and Dr. Barrows is authority 
for saying that these two portraits, numbered 207 and 
209, are now in Washington in the Catlin collection 
of Indian portraits, hanging in the Assembly Hall of 
the Smithsonian Institute. 2 

1 D. Lee and J. H. Frost, Ten Years in Oregon, pp. 109, no. 1884. 

2 See Barrows, Oregon, p. 113. 



48 MARCUS WHITMAN 

At that time Mr. Catlin did not know for what pur- 
pose these two Indians had been to St. Louis. On 
his return from the West, while at Pittsburg, Pennsyl- 
vania, he heard of this closing address of the Indian 
orator, but doubted its truth. He said: " I am well 
acquainted with General Clark, and if this had been 
true he would have told me." He at once wrote to 
General Clark, who replied: " The story is true; that 
was the only object of their visit." Then Catlin said : 
" Publish it to the world." 

A vigorous appeal in behalf of Indian missions, made 
by Dr. Wilbur Fiske, president of Wesleyan Univer- 
sity, before the Methodist General Conference, resulted 
in the organization of the Oregon Methodist mission. 
Dr. Fiske opened correspondence with a former pupil 
of his, Rev. Jason Lee, who at this time was employed 
by the Church in Canada as an Indian missionary 
in his native place, Stanstead, Quebec. He solicited 
him to undertake the superintendence of an Indian 
mission beyond the Rocky Mountains. Mr. Lee at once 
expressed strong interest in the movement, and in the 
spring of 1833 went to Boston, where the New Eng- 
land Conference was in session. He was received as a 
member of that body, ordained by Bishop Hedding, 
and appointed to the superintendence of the Oregon 
mission. Rev. Daniel Lee, his nephew, was also 
appointed missionary to the same field, and Cyrus 
Shepard, a lay member of the church, was subse- 
quently engaged to accompany them. Their outfit 
was shipped around Cape Horn on a vessel called the 
May Dacre. This was a vessel chartered by Captain 
N. J. Wyeth of Cambridge, Massachusetts, who had 
recently arrived from a tour west of the Rocky Moun- 
tains and intended to return to Oregon in the following 



EARLY MISSIONS 49 

spring. Captain Wyeth organized his party, of which 
these missionaries were members, and they started 
overland from Fort Independence, near what is now 
Kansas City, on the 25th of April, 1834. 

Wyeth and his men, in July following, arrived at a 
place on the Snake River west of the mountains, and 
there built a trading station which he named Fort 
Hall. By the 1st of September, the missionary party 
came to Fort Walla Walla, now Wallula Junction, on 
the Columbia River. They did not come within the 
region of the Nez Perces, and as they were not pleased 
with the country of the Flathead Indians, they sought 
for a more eligible situation in the lower country. 
Continuing down the river to Vancouver, on Septem- 
ber 15th they slept under a roof for the first time in 
one hundred and fifty-two nights. Dr. John Mc- 
Loughlin and others of the Hudson's Bay Company 
at Vancouver strongly recommended the Willamette 
Valley. Their location was finally determined upon, 
and they settled themselves in October at their station 
sixty or seventy-five miles up the Willamette River. 

Thus the Nez Percys and the Flatheads, who had 
sent their delegation over the mountains down to the 
Mississippi River with that touching request for the 
" Book from Heaven" and the "men near to God/' 
were passed by and were still left in darkness. 



CHAPTER II 

PARKER'S EXPLORING TOUR 

IT will be noticed that the Methodist Church started 
its missionaries out towards Oregon in 1834. The 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
sions, which at that time included both the Presby- 
terians and the Congregationalists, was not idle in 
regard to so promising a field. In 1834 they discussed 
the subject at the mission rooms, and, in order to pro- 
ceed wisely, they determined to send two men " to spy 
out the land." They selected for their Caleb and 
Joshua, Rev. Samuel Parker and Marcus Whitman, 
M.D., to go over to Oregon on an exploring tour and 
report whether the people and the country appeared 
to furnish a fruitful field for Christian missions. Mr. 
Parker was a native of Ashfield, Massachusetts, a 
graduate of Williams College and of Andover Theo- 
logical Seminary, had done missionary work in the 
state of New York, and had been pastor of Congrega- 
tional churches in Massachusetts and New York. He 
was at this time fifty-six years of age. Dr. Whitman 
was a younger man, thirty-three years old, a native 
of Rushville, New York, and a graduate of the Berk- 
shire Medical School at Pittsfield, Massachusetts. 
The object of the Board in appointing them was " to 
ascertain by personal observation the condition of the 
country, the character of the Indian nations and tribes, 

50 



PARKER'S EXPLORING TOUR 51 

and the facilities for introducing the gospel and civil- 
ization among them." 

Mr. Parker proposed to go to Oregon in 1834, but 
was too late for the caravan. He finally started on 
his long journey March 14, 1835. His route lay by 
the way of Buffalo, Erie, and Pittsburg. He arrived 
at Pittsburg on the 25th, and took passage on the 
steamboat Ohioan for Cincinnati, four hundred and 
fifty miles distant. Three days brought him to that 
city. There he exchanged boats and went on board 
the Chien for St. Louis, six hundred and ninety miles 
farther. In his account of this voyage, Mr. Parker 
says: 

" The striking difference in the tastes and habits of the 
people inhabiting the two sides of the river was here very- 
apparent. Upon the Ohio side the farms and neatly painted 
dwellings are in the New England style, while on the Ken- 
tucky side, scattered here and there you see the large log 
houses of the planters in a grade of architecture consider- 
ably above the log cabins of their slaves, by which they are 
surrounded, yet log houses still. These are built two stories 
high, with a wide airy hall through the centre, one of the 
lower rooms being the parlor and the other serves the several 
purposes of a nursery, sleeping- and eating-room. Open, 
frank hospitality characterizes the Kentuckian, which is 
pleasing to a stranger. I offered a lady in one of these 
mansions some tracts, which she at first declined with the 
inquiry, ' Do you think we are heathen ? ' ' No, madam, 
but tracts contain much that is interesting to all classes of 
people and after they are read can be circulated among 
those who may not be well supplied with books.' " 

Mr. Parker arrived at St. Louis on the 4th of April, 
the journey from Cincinnati having occupied a full 
week. Dr. Whitman had come through the central 
parts of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and reached St. 
Louis in advance of Mr. Parker. 

From St. Louis their route was by water up the 



52 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Missouri. The steamboat carried them past Jefferson 
City and as far as Clay County, where the boat be- 
came disabled, and the party began to travel by 
land. Organizing the caravan at Liberty, then a small 
village three miles from the river in Clay County, they 
pushed onward up the river to Council Bluffs. From 
this place their route lay westward up the Platte River 
to the Black Hills, which they reached during the last 
days of July. Onward they went up the Sweetwater, 
and on the ioth of August they were on the Great 
Divide within the limits of the South Pass. In writing 
up his itinerary afterwards Mr. Parker described this 
pass as follows : 

" It varies in width from two to fifteen miles, and follow- 
ing its course the distance through the mountains is about 
one hundred miles, or four days' journey. Though there are 
some elevations and depressions in this valley, yet compara- 
tively speaking it is level, and the summit, where the waters 
divide which flow into the Atlantic and into the Pacific, 
is about six thousand feet above the level of the ocean. 
There would be no difficulty in the way of constructing a 
railroad from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. There is 
no greater difficulty in the whole distance than has already 
been overcome in passing the Green Mountains between 
Boston and Albany; and probably the time may not be far 
distant when trips will be made across the continent as 
they have been made to the Niagara Falls, to see Nature's 
wonders." 

This is believed to be the first announcement in 
print of the possibility of a transcontinental railroad. 
Observe that the book from which this extract is taken 
was published in the year 1838, more than sixty years 
ago. What a remarkable prophecy! " Trips made 
across the continent to see Nature's wonders." What 
great excursions were made already before the close 
of the nineteenth century, across this American conti- 



PARKER'S EXPLORING TOUR 53 

nent to see Nature's wonders ! There are now seven 
distinct and separate routes from the East to the 
Pacific coast. 

On the 1 2th of August, the missionaries and their 
caravan reached the rendezvous beyond the mountains 
on the Green River, a branch of the Colorado, in 
latitude 42 50'. Mr. Parker describes the place as 
" a widely extended, pleasant valley, with a fertile 
soil, and, like the country we have passed through, it 
is almost entirely prairie with some woods skirting the 
streams of water." ' Bear in mind that they had then 
crossed the Divide and were beyond the main range 
of the Rocky Mountains ; yet Mr. Parker speaks of 
the country passed through as " prairie." 

Here the party remained ten days, during which 
time the missionaries had an interesting interview with 
the chiefs of the Nez Perces and the Flatheads. Mr. 
Parker, in writing of this meeting, says : 

"We laid before them the object of our appointment, 
and explained to them the benevolent desires of Christians 
concerning them. We then inquired whether they wished 
to have teachers come among them, and instruct them in 
the knowledge of God, His worship, and the way to be 
saved ; and what they would do to aid them in their labors. 
The oldest chief arose, and said he was old and did not 
expect to know much more; he was deaf and could not 
hear, but his heart was made glad, very glad, to see what 
he had never seen before, a man near to God, meaning a 
minister of the Gospel. 

" Next arose Insala, the most influential chief in the 
nation, and said he had heard that a ' man near to God ' 
was coming to visit them, and he, with some of his people, 
together with some white men, went out three days' journey 
to meet him, but failed of finding the caravan. A war party 
of the Crow Indians came upon them in the night, and after 
a short battle, though no lives were lost, they took away some 

1 Parker, Exploring Tour, p. 79. 



54 MARCUS WHITMAN 

of their horses, and from him one which he greatly loved, 
but now he forgets all, his heart is made so glad to see a 
' man near to God.' The first chief of the Nez Percys, 
Tai-quin-sa-watish, arose and said that he had heard from 
white men a little about God, which had only gone into his 
ears; he wished to know enough to have it go down into 
his heart, to influence his life and to teach his people. 
Others spoke to the same import, and they all made as 
many promises as we could desire. 

" The Nez Perce and Flathead Indians present a promis- 
ing field for missionary labor, white for the harvest, and the 
indications of divine Providence in regard to it are made 
plain by their anxiety to obtain Christian knowledge. 
Taking the various circumstances under deliberate and 
prayerful consideration, in regard to these Indians, we 
came to the conclusion that, though many other important 
stations might be found, this would be one. So desirable 
did this object appear, that Dr. Whitman proposed to re- 
turn with the caravan and obtain associates to come out 
with him the next year, with the then returning caravan, 
and establish a mission among the people, and by so doing 
save at least a year in bringing the Gospel among them. 
In view of the importance of the object I readily consented 
to the proposal, and to go alone with the Indians the re- 
mainder of the exploring tour. Dr. Whitman, on further 
consideration, felt some misgivings about leaving me, and 
feared that he should be blamed by the Christian public. I 
expressed my desire that no disquietude should be felt 
for me." ' 

On the 22d, ten days after their arrival at the ren- 
dezvous, Dr. Whitman set out on his return to the 
States, and Mr. Parker continued his exploring tour 
with an Indian escort. 

This division of forces was a bold stroke, which 
required several favorable circumstances to insure its 
success. The leading Indians who favored the mis- 
sionary movement were the Nez Percys, and they 
were thoroughly in earnest and anxious to have the 
missionaries among them. For this condition of mind 

1 Parker, Exploring Tour, pp. 81, 82. 




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PARKER'S EXPLORING TOUR 55 

they were doubtless prepared by the embassy they had 
already sent to the white men, and the report which 
the sole survivor had made upon his return. They 
cordially took charge of Mr. Parker, supplied all his 
wants, and delivered him over safely to the Hudson's 
Bay Company at Fort Walla Walla. A young Nez 
Perce Indian, named Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats, was his 
guide. He was called Lawyer by the American trap- 
pers, because of his ability and shrewdness in argu- 
ment, and because he always defended the Americans 
against the British Hudson's Bay people. These Nez 
Percys knew that Rev. Mr. Lee and his party had made 
their settlement in the Willamette Valley near the 
Husus-hai-hai (White-head), which was the name the 
Indians had given to Dr. John McLoughlin. Another 
important circumstance is that the Indians consented 
to let Dr. Whitman take with him to the East two of 
their boys. Their Indian names were Tuetakas and 
Ites. The first Dr. Whitman called Richard ; to the 
other he gave the name of John. 

Dr. Whitman, with his strong, hearty, bold energy, 
having once made up his mind that the Oregon coun- 
try was a suitable field for missionary operation, was 
anxious to lose no time in taking possession of that 
field. To go on with Mr. Parker and personally exam- 
ine the country would require a year's time. Being 
thoroughly satisfied with what he had seen of the In- 
dians who had come in such large numbers from Ore- 
gon to the rendezvous, he was ready to return with 
the caravan of the American Fur Company, so as to 
start back the following spring with reinforcements 
to establish the mission. 

Mr. Parker, therefore, continued his journey west- 
ward, while Dr. Whitman and the two Indian boys, 



56 MARCUS WHITMAN 

under convoy of the American Fur Company, with 
Captain Fitzpatrick and Captain Bridger, started to- 
ward the East, " home from the Rocky Mountains." 

" Dr. Whitman, by his off-hand, easy manner of ac- 
commodating himself to circumstances, and by his 
kind-heartedness and promptness to relieve all who 
needed his professional skill, had won the esteem of all 
with whom he travelled, so that the gentlemen of the 
American Fur Company cheerfully supplied his wants 
on his return trip to the States, where he arrived in 
due time, and made his report to the American Board, 
who decided to establish the mission." 1 

It is but natural to suppose that before leaving the 
frontier for the West, Dr. Whitman would send a let- 
ter back to that Miss Prentiss to whom he was already 
engaged. We are fortunate in having one such letter 
preserved. Here it is: 

Liberty, Clay Co., Mo., April 30, 1835. 

I arrived at St. Louis on the first day of April, and had 
to await Brother Parker several days. My health was very 
much improved by the journey. We remained in St. Louis 
until the 8th inst., when we left suddenly and much sooner 
than we intended. On the night of the 7th inst. a fire 
broke out near the stable where my horse was kept, de- 
stroying the stable, with between fifty and sixty horses, 
mine with the rest. We then determined to take the steam- 
boat and left the next day. We had a long and difficult 
passage up the river on account of low water and sandbars. 
We have been here some time awaiting the arrival of Mr. 
Fontanille who commands the fur expedition. He is de- 
layed still by the steamboat having got upon a sandbar, 
where it remains and must remain until the river rises. We 
have not known any of his plans since his goods have been 
detained. We met with every kindness and encouragement 
from him and the Fur Co. at St. Louis as well as from 
Christian friends. The season is very backward so that we 
1 Gray, History of Oregon, p. 109, 



PARKER'S EXPLORING TOUR 57 

could not proceed if Mr. Fontanille was not detained. We 
shall travel from here with each of us a horse and one mule 
to pack. 

I had not given up the hope that you would have been 
able to come on with Mr. Powell until I received your 
letter. I regret very much that he did not come. He 
would have had an abundant and pressing field open among 
the Pawnees, as we have learned from various sources. In 
reading your letter I was surprised exceedingly that you 
should have conceived it practicable for you to have crossed 
the mountains this spring. Had I known one half as much 
of the trip as I now do, when I left you, I should have been 
entirely willing, if not anxious, that you should have ac- 
companied us. 

[Mr. Parker said I could go just as well as not. 

(Signed) N. Prentiss.] 

Many obstacles to our journey as conceived by us do 
not exist. We are assured of abundant protection until we 
shall have passed the mountains, and beyond the mountains 
we are told we shall not have much to fear from the Indians. 
We have the most flattering account of the health of such 
a trip. Perhaps no tour could do as much for an invalid. 

Nothing like sickness has ever been known among the 
traders. Not a case of bilious disease, or ague, near or be- 
yond the mountains. I am very much interested with the 
accounts we get concerning the Indians west of the moun- 
tains. I do not desire to return if it will be possible for me 
to remain. I have a strong desire for that field of labor. 
. . . I feel greatly encouraged to go on in every sense, 
only, I feel my unfitness for the work; but I know in whom 
I have trusted, and with whom are the fountains of wisdom. 
O that I may always look to this source for wisdom and 
grace. You will not forget my great need at a throne of 
grace. May the Lord grant you favor and consolation. 
How can Christians ever become indifferent in their Mas- 
ter's service ? You need not be anxious especially for your 
health or safety, but for your usefulness to the cause of 
Missions and the souls of our benighted fellow men. 

Rev. Dr. Parker wrote to his friend : 

Brother Powell, Dr. Whitman gives me a small space 
to write you a few lines, I can only say that I am sorry 



5 8 MARCUS WHITMAN 

that you and Mrs. P. and Miss Prentiss are not with us. 
From what we have heard from Brethren Dunbar and 
Allis, we think their prospects are very promising and that 
among the Pawnees of the Platte there is a promising field 
of usefulness. Do write to the Board to have your appoint- 
ment made for the Pawnees of the Platte, and come on as 
soon as you can. You will have many of the comforts of 
life, and nothing special to fear. But whilst you are writing 
get an agency from the Board to collect funds, but especially 
to find missionaries. I left Ithaca so unexpectedly that I 
did not write to the Board for your agency, nor to Doct. 
Saterlee of Elmira. Say to the Board and to the churches 
that according to the best information we get, almost all 
the Indian tribes west and far west present fields ripe for 
the harvest. Not even the Blackfeet Indians are without 
promise. I could give particulars but have no time or 
room. Love to you all. 

Affectionately yours, 

(Signed) Samuel Parker. 

In another letter Dr. Whitman wrote : 

Bellow, Up. Mo., 20 miles below Council Bluff, 
June 21, 1835. 
We left Liberty May 14th. It rained excessively 
almost every day so that the streams were all very high 
and we were obliged to pass them with rafts. After a 
tedious journey we arrived here May 30th. Became ac- 
quainted with Rev. Moses Merrill, Baptist Missionary to 
the Otoes at Liberty; he came up with us, and since we 
have been here, have been comfortably lodged with him. 
Found Brothers Dunbar and Allis here on our arrival. 
They traveled and hunted with the Pawnees last winter, 
and have now gone back to go on the summer hunt with 
them. They think the best way to obtain the language is 
to go with the Indians in this manner, and that missionaries 
must not wait for them to settle, but must go among them 
and settle them, and that nothing else will. The Pawnees 
are to have two teachers, and I suppose Messrs. Dunbar and 
Allis are or will be appointed, two farmers, two black- 
smiths, and two strikers or men to assist the blacksmiths. 
One of the blacksmiths is employed; he is a pious good man 
J believe; the others are not engaged. If Mr. Powell 



PARKER'S EXPLORING TOUR 59 

comes, Mrs. Powell could stay with Mr. Merrill, or at 
Leavenworth, for six months or a year, while Mr. Powell 
could go and live with the Indians and learn their lan- 
guage. Every comfort and even very good medical assist- 
ance would be rendered by Mr. Merrill. The Omahas are 
about ninety miles above this place and the Pawnees one 
hundred and twenty. The Omahas are a very quiet humane 
Indian. 

I do not know that the appropriation is made yet by 
Congress to farmers for the Pawnees or the Omahas, but if 
not, very probably it will be at the next session. If your 
father wishes to do the Indians all the good he can, this is 
the best way that can be desired, for if good men do not 
occupy these stations bad men will, and do great harm. If 
he wished, it would be best for him to write Maj. John 
Dougherty, addressing his letter to Santonment, Leaven- 
worth, Up. Mo. He is agent of the Otoes, Omahas, and 
Pawnees, and employs all farmers, blacksmiths, etc. Your 
father might address a letter to him offering to become a 
farmer for the Pawnees if he is prepared to employ one, if 
not that he might have the appointment in prospect. Give 
him the assurance of good and satisfactory recommenda- 
tions and I have little doubt of his succeeding. The com- 
pensation will be, I think, five hundred dollars a year for a 
farmer and the same for a blacksmith, tools furnished. If 
he could not go with his family to the Pawnees at first, they 
could live here where there are several government houses, 
some of which they might occupy for a time. The Pawnee 
blacksmith is to live here for a year. Another one is 
wanted for the Pawnees immediately. Would not Bro. 
Gurney be willing to come ? Will not some one write him, 
or prevail on some others to offer themselves ? Remember 
the blacksmith is wanted now. They will be able to raise 
their own provision and to keep stock. Your sisters can be 
useful at the upper settlement in teaching. Teachers are 
much wanted and would be well encouraged. Let them 
write as directed above. Another farmer will be wanted. 
Try to obtain one. It will be best that each one write to 
the agent for himself and say nothing about the other. 
Most of the year a family could move from the settlement 
with wagons. If a family were at Liberty or Leavenworth 
they would be able to come up either by water or by land. 

Since we are here I have been chiefly occupied in prep- 



60 MARCUS WHITMAN 

arations for our journey. My health was not good on the 
way from Liberty, and since I have been here have been 
quite sick, but am now recovered. For the last twelve days 
have been attending upon Mr. Fontanille's men; the chol- 
era has raged severely among them ; three only have died. 
Mr. Fontanille is sick with it himself, but now convalescent. 
He has a house and a farm half a mile below here, where 
his men have been, some encamped, and some in his build- 
ings. It is not strange that they should have the cholera, 
because of their intemperance, their sunken and filthy 
situation. They have been removed for some days out 
upon the Bluffs where they have a clean, healthy situation. 
I think we shall be able to start for the mountains to- 
morrow and shall probably have good travelling. Mr. 
Parker and I have procured another horse to pack pro- 
visions. Mr. Fontanille takes five wagons and a great 
number of pack animals. 

We have now a fair prospect of going on, and shall re- 
turn letters every opportunity. 

(Signed) Marcus Whitman. 



CHAPTER III 
whitman's early life and marriage 

MARCUS WHITMAN was born in Rushville, 
Yates County, New York, September 4, 1802. 
He was descended from good New England stock, 
characterized by both intellectual and moral strength. 
He came from a long-lived family. It is related that, 
when an infant, he was providentially saved from 
death by burning. While her child was asleep in the 
cradle, the mother stepped across the road to spend 
an hour with her husband, who was working in the 
shop. On returning to the humble log cabin, she was 
startled to find that a burning brand had rolled out 
from the fireplace, and, coming in contact with the 
cradle, had set it on fire. She was just in season to 
rescue Marcus from suffocation. 

His boyhood was spent in a pioneer home with 
many privations ; but this life was such as to give him 
the best preparation for heroic and manly deeds. He 
was early deprived of the care and guidance of his 
father, who died when he was eight years of age. 
This loss obliged him to take an active part in helping 
his mother. The early exercise of his physical and men- 
tal powers resulted not only in a strong and well-de- 
veloped body, but in what proved to be of the utmost 
importance in his subsequent life, great self-reliance, 

61 



62 MARCUS WHITMAN 

independence, determination, and a vigorous purpose 
to accomplish something worthy. He was fond of 
adventure and exploration even in boyhood. 

In early childhood he was strongly impressed with 
religious truth and was a great reader of the Bible. 
He received careful religious training both from his 
parents at home, and, after the death of his father, 
from his paternal grandfather, Deacon Samuel Whit- 
man of Plainville, Massachusetts, with whom he lived 
for a number of years. He was converted during a 
revival season when seventeen years of age, but for 
some reason did not make a public confession of his 
faith until five years later. He first united with the 
Congregational church in his native town, but subse- 
quently he was a member and ruling elder of the Pres- 
byterian church at Wheeler, New York, from which 
church he was dismissed when he went to Oregon. 

He received a good common school education, and 
studied Latin under the direction of Rev. Moses Hal- 
lock of Plainville and Rev. David Page of Rushville. 
It was his intention at this time to enter the ministry, 
but some physical ailment led him to study medicine. 
He pursued a course of medical study in the Berkshire 
Medical College at Pittsfield, Massachusetts, from 
which institution he received his diploma. He prac- 
ticed medicine four years in Canada, and then returned 
to his old home with the full intention of devoting 
himself to the work of his chosen profession in his 
native state. These plans, however, were frustrated, 
and he became part owner with his brother in a saw- 
mill. This business life prepared him still further for 
the great work that fell to him subsequently as a prac- 
tical and progressive missionary and broad-minded 
patriot. 



EARLY LIFE AND MARRIAGE 63 

Dr. Whitman was a strong man, earnest, decided, 
aggressive. He was sincere and kind, generous to a 
fault, and from the time he took up the missionary 
work to the Indians, he devoted every energy of his 
mind and body to the welfare of the Indian and the 
objects of the mission. He was fearless of danger, 
strong in purpose, resolute and unflinching in the face 
of difficulties. At times he became animated and 
earnest in argument or conversation, but in general he 
would be called a man of reticence. He was above 
medium height, rather spare than otherwise, had deep 
blue eyes, a large mouth, and, in middle life, hair that 
would be called iron-gray. 1 

We have already followed Dr. Whitman on his first 
journey to the western country. He made the* re- 
turn trip without accident, leaving the convoy of the 
American Fur Company on the frontier. As he 
reached his home in Rushville, New York, late Satur- 
day evening, he did not make his arrival known until 
the next morning, when he astonished the congre- 
gation by walking into church leading his two Indian 
boys and taking a seat beside his good mother, who 
involuntarily exclaimed: " Well, well, there is Marcus 
Whitman I" 1 

The American Board at once appointed Dr. Whit- 
man missionary to the Indians of Oregon, and directed 
him to secure a proper man to go with him as an asso- 
ciate. In this Whitman had some difficulty. He 
could not find a suitable person, — a young, married 
man who would undertake so hazardous an enterprise. 
In the early spring of 1836, he found Rev. H. H. 
Spalding and wife, who were already commissioned by 
the American Board to the Osage Indians. They 

1 This description is from Gray's Oregon. 2 Nixon, Whitman. 



6 4 Marcus whitman 

were willing to change their destination and go with 
Whitman beyond the Rocky Mountains. A graphic 
account of Whitman's meeting Spalding was given 
long ago by Mr. Spalding himself, but it is evidently 
strained and stilted. Passing over that, let us merely 
say that Mr. and Mrs. Spalding consented to accom- 
pany Whitman to Oregon. 

Dr. Whitman had long been engaged to Miss Nar- 
cissa Prentiss, of Prattsburg, Steuben County, New 
York, and they now decided to be married at once. 
Mr. William H. Gray, who went to Oregon with them, 
thus describes Mrs. Whitman : 

" She was a lady of refined feelings and commanding ap- 
pearance. She had very light hair, light, fresh complexion, 
and light blue eyes. Her features were large, her form full 
and round. At that time she was in the prime of life, and 
was considered a fine, noble-looking woman, affable and 
free to converse with all she met. Her conversation was 
animated and cheerful. Firmness in her was natural, and 
to some, especially the Indians, it was repulsive. She had 
been brought up in comparative comfort, and moved in the 
best of religious society in the place of her residence. She 
was a good singer, and one of her amusements, as well as 
that of her travelling companions, was to teach the Doctor 
to sing, which she did with considerable success, — that is, 
he could sing the native songs without much difficulty." 1 

Mrs. Martha J. Lamb says: 

"The voice of Miss Prentiss was of remarkable sweet- 
ness. She was a graceful blonde, stately and dignified in her 
bearing, without a particle of affectation. When preparing 
to leave for Oregon, the church held a farewell service and 
the minister gave out the well-known hymn : 

" * Yes, my native land, I love thee, 
All thy scenes I love them well ; 
Friends, connections, happy country, 
Can I bid you all farewell ? ' 
1 Gray, Oregon, p. 109. 



EARLY LIFE AND MARRIAGE 65 

" The whole congregation joined heartily in the singing, 
but before the hymn was half through, one by one they 
ceased singing, and audible sobs were heard in every part 
of the great audience. The last stanza was sung by the 
sweet voice of Mrs. Whitman alone, clear, musical, and 
unwavering." x 

While Dr. Whitman was on the first exploring tour, 
Miss Prentiss wrote a letter to her friend, Mrs. Hull, 
wife of Rev. Leverett Hull, which throws light on the 
situation : 

Beloved Sister Hull: As you requested, I have copied 
the greater part of my letters from the West, and send you. 
You are at liberty to make what use of them you think best, 
to promote the cause of missions. I received a letter last 
week from Rev. D. Clark, New York, which has greatly re- 
lieved my mind from that state of suspense in which it has 
long been laboring. I have sent it to Sister Judson, and 
requested her to give you the perusal of it. You will see 
that his heart, as our hearts, is on the Astoria mission. 
And now shall the mission be given up and our minds be 
diverted to another field ? What can be the obstacles which 
the Board of Missions speak of ? Is it want of funds or 
missionaries ? Or is it for want of faith and prayer in the 
churches ? Surely the obstacles cannot be with the Indians, 
when they have sent over to us and invited us to carry them 
the Word of Life. At times my mind labors excessively on 
this point, and I have been well-nigh crushed with an un- 
supportable load for want of strength to roll it upon the 
Lord. But I can say, notwithstanding the clouds of dark- 
ness that overshadow the future, and the obstacles that roll 
up before the mind like waves of the sea, that I am per- 
mitted to believe that a mission will be established there 
soon, at least before many years shall have passed away. 
There my mind rests, and I am sustained on the promise 
that " God will give the heathen to His Son for an inherit- 
ance and the uttermost parts of the earth for a possession." 
Will not the dear Christians in Angelica remember this 
Oregon mission at their monthly concert of prayer ? It 
would rejoice my heart to be present with you next Monday. 
I want strength of faith to pray effectually for such mighty 

1 Mrs. Martha J. Lamb in the Magazine of American History for 1884. 
5 



66 MARCUS WHITMAN 

objects, and union of hearts is strength. I cannot write 
you half I feel on the subject, nor need I. Adieu, dear 
Sister. Your Sister in the Lord, 

(Signed) Narcissa Prentiss. 
To Mrs. Sarah Hull, Angelica. 

Dr. Whitman and Miss Prentiss were married early 
in the year 1836, by Rev. Leverett Hull, who had in 
the autumn previous become pastor of the village 
church in Angelica, at that time the home of Miss 
Prentiss. They were married in the church on Sab- 
bath evening at the close of the service. The fol- 
lowing account of the scene was recorded by an 
eye-witness : 

" Dr. Marcus Whitman and Miss Narcissa Prentiss, two of 
the first missionaries sent out by the American Board be- 
yond the Rocky Mountains, were united in marriage by the 
pastor, Rev. Leverett Hull. Some who were present could 
never describe without tears the circumstances, and espe- 
cially the incident of the bride singing the missionary hymn 
in a strong, clear voice after all others had broken down 
with emotion." ' 

The venerable J. S. Seeley, of Aurora, Illinois, wrote 
in 1895 : 

" It was just fifty-nine years ago this March since I drove 
Dr. and Mrs. Whitman from Elmira, N. Y., to Hollidays- 
burg, Pa., in my sleigh. This place was at the foot of the 
Allegheny Mountains (east side) on the Pennsylvania Canal. 
The canal boats were built in two sections and were taken 
over the mountains on a railroad. 

" They expected to find the canal open on the west side, 
and thus reach the Ohio River on the way to Oregon. I 
was with them some seven days. Dr. Whitman impressed 
me as a man of strong, sterling character and lots of push, 
but he was not a great talker. Mrs. Whitman was of 
medium size and impressed me as a woman of great resolu- 
tion." a 

1 From a newspaper clipping. 2 Nixon, Whitman, p. 67. 



EARLY LIFE AND MARRIAGE 67 

From a younger sister of the bride, Mrs. H. P. Jack- 
son, of Oberlin, Ohio, we have this account : 

" Mrs. Whitman was the mentor of her younger sisters 
in the home. She joined the church when eleven years 
old, and from her early years expressed a desire to be a 
missionary. The wedding occurred in the church at An- 
gelica, N. Y., to which place my father had removed, and 
the ceremony was performed by the Rev. Leverett Hull. 
I recollect how deeply interested the two Indian boys were 
in the ceremony, and how their faces brightened when the 
Doctor told them that Mrs. Whitman would go back with 
them to Oregon. We all had the greatest faith and trust 
in Dr. Whitman, and in all our letters from our dear sister 
there was never a word of regret or repining at the life she 
had chosen." 1 

The two couples, the Whitmans and the Spaldings, 
were now ready to start upon their long bridal tour. 
They took with them the Indian boys, who had been 
in school during the winter and had learned to read 
and to speak the English language fairly well. 

Rev. Henry Harmon Spalding was a native of Bath, 
New York. He was graduated at the Western Re- 
serve College and studied theology at the Lane Sem- 
inary, Cincinnati. He was now just past thirty years 
of age. William H. Gray describes him thus: 

' * A man with sharp features, large brown eyes, dark hair, 
high projecting forehead, with many wrinkles, and a head 
nearly bald. He was of medium size, stoop-shouldered, 
with a voice that can assume a mild, sharp, or boisterous 
key at the will of its owner. . . . As a writer or corre- 
spondent he was bold and rather eloquent, giving over- 
drawn life sketches of passing events. In his labors for the 
Indians he was zealous and persevering; in his preaching 
or talking to them plain or severe, and in his instructions 
wholly practical. . . . He taught the natives that 
God commanded them to work as well as to pray. Had he 

1 Nixon, Whitman, p. 68. 



68 MARCUS WHITMAN 

been allowed to continue his labors among the tribe undis- 
turbed by sectarian and anti-religious influences, he would 
have effected great good and the tribe be now admitted as 
citizens of the United States. As a citizen and neighbor 
he was kind and obliging; to his family he was kind, yet 
severe in his religious observances. He was unquestion- 
ably a sincere, though not always humble, Christian. The 
loss of his wife and the exciting and savage massacre of his 
associates produced their effect upon him. Charity will 
find a substantial excuse for most of his faults, while virtue 
and truth, civilization and religion will award him a place 
as a faithful, zealous, and comparatively successful mis- 
sionary." ' 

Mrs. Spalding is described in the following manner: 

" Mrs. Spalding was the daughter of a plain, substantial 
farmer, by the name of Hart, of Oneida County, New 
York. She was above the medium height, slender in form, 
with coarse features, dark brown hair, blue eyes, rather 
dark complexion, coarse voice, of a serious turn of mind, 
and quick in understanding language. In fact she was re- 
markable in acquiring the Nez Perce language, so as to 
understand and converse with the natives quite easily by 
the time they reached their station at Lapwai. She could 
paint indifferently in water-colors, and had been taught, 
while young, all the useful branches of domestic life; could 
spin, weave, and sew, etc. ; could prepare an excellent meal 
at short notice; was generally sociable, but not forward in 
conversation. . . . With the native women Mrs. Spalding 
always appeared easy and cheerful, and had their un- 
bounded confidence and respect. She was remarkable for 
her firmness and decision of character in whatever she or 
her husband undertook. She never appeared to be alarmed 
or excited at any difficulty, dispute, or alarms common to 
the Indian life around her. She was considered by the 
Indian men as a brave, fearless woman, and was respected 
and esteemed by all." 2 
^ray, Oregon, pp. no, II. * Ibid. 



CHAPTER IV 

A DOUBLE BRIDAL TOUR ACROSS THE CONTINENT 

THE company which was now starting on the 
long journey westward consisted of Dr. and 
Mrs. Whitman, Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, Mr. William 
H. Gray, two teamsters, and the two Indian boys, 
Richard and John. Mr. Gray was commissioned by 
the American Board to go with the missionaries as 
agent to manage the secular affairs of the mission. 
He was a young man, unmarried, from Utica, New 
York. 

They went across Pennsylvania from Elmira, New 
York, to Pittsburg; then down the Ohio and up the 
Mississippi and Missouri rivers to Liberty Landing in 
Clay County. The party carried with them a full 
supply of goods supposed to be needful for a life 
more than two thousand miles from any possible base 
of supplies. They carried the material for a black- 
smith shop, a plow, various kinds of seeds, and a 
supply of clothing calculated to last for two years. 
The party with their goods and chattels landed in 
Clay County, Missouri, three miles from the town of 
Liberty. There the supplies had to be overhauled, 
repacked, and loaded into two mission wagons and 
an extra one, hired to go as far as Fort Leavenworth. 
They crossed the river at Council Bluffs, and from that 

69 



7o MARCUS WHITMAN 

point were under convoy of the caravan of the Ameri- 
can Fur Company. 

Up to this point they had been within the limits of 
civilized life. Now they were to strike out beyond the 
inhabited world. In front of them were no roads, — 
not even a track or a trail except the paths of the buf- 
falo, and these always ran between the rivers and the 
mountains. The Fur Company had nineteen carts, 
each with two mules tandem, to carry their goods. 
With them was an English nobleman, Sir William 
Drummond, traveling under the alias of Captain 
Stewart, with an outfit of two wagons, two horses, 
four mules, drivers, and a servant to act as cook and 
waiter. The caravan altogether consisted of the nine- 
teen carts of the Fur Company, one light Dearborn 
wagon, the Englishman's party, and the missionaries 
and their outfit. 

How interesting it would be to watch this company 
on a day's march! In the morning the cattle and 
loose animals were driven in advance and at night 
they came up in the rear. The Fur Company's and 
Captain Stewart's wagons would start out in the morn- 
ing following the cattle, and the missionary party 
would bring up the rear. 

From Council Bluffs their route lay up the Platte 
River to the North Platte and onward to Fort Laramie, 
where they crossed the river. This task was accom- 
plished by means of two dug-outs lashed together by 
sticks and poles, upon which they carried over the 
goods and the carts to the fort. They were now well 
up among the mountains, and here the Fur Company 
and Captain Stewart decided to leave all their wagons 
and carts, deeming it impossible to carry them 
through. Dr. Whitman, on the other hand, insisted 



A DOUBLE BRIDAL TOUR 71 

on taking his light wagon along. Finally the Fur 
Company decided to try the experiment of taking 
with them one of their carts. The abandoning of the 
wagons made it necessary to repack the baggage, and 
much of their supplies had to be left behind. What 
they took with them was put in packages, for the top 
packs fifty pounds each, for mules two hundred and 
fifty pounds, and for horses in proportion to their 
strength. 

Now the mountain journey commenced. They 
started from Fort Laramie about the 6th of June. 
They had Whitman's wagon and the Company's cart; 
all the goods were on pack animals or in the wagon 
and the cart. Gray was in charge of the mission pack- 
train with two men and one boy, two pack animals to 
each ; Mr. Spalding with the two Indian boys looked 
after the ladies, and the cows and loose animals; and 
Dr. Whitman had charge of the wagon train, that is, 
the Company's cart and his own wagon, with one man 
in the cart and one in the wagon. They followed up 
the river, first northwesterly and then southwesterly to 
Independence Rock. 

Dr. Whitman had no small difficulty in exploring 
and locating the proper path for the wagons and in 
getting them safely over difficult places. One night 
he "came into the camp puffing and blowing, in good 
spirits, all right side up, with only one turn-over with 
the wagon and two with the cart." Since the cattle 
usually traveled slower than the train, they took an 
earlier start in the morning, but at noon they all rested 
together. In order to get across a branch of the Platte 
near Red Buttes, they killed several buffaloes, took their 
hides, and got willows to make frames for boats. They 
sewed the hides together to cover the frames, filled the 



72 MARCUS WHITMAN 

seams with tallow and, because of a severe rain just 
then, dried the skin boats over a fire. Upon these im- 
provised rafts they carried over all their supplies and 
baggage. 1 

On Independence Day they were at the Divide, 
entering the South Pass. All this time Mrs. Spald- 
ing, who was totally unfit, from ill health, to be travel- 
ing in this primitive fashion, was growing weaker and 
weaker. On the morning of July 4th, she fainted and 
thought she was about to die. Mr. Spalding gives the 
following description : 

" As they laid her on the ground, she said: ' Don't put me 
on that horse again. Leave me and save yourselves. Tell 
mother I am glad I came.' Soon, however, she revived, 
and a few hours later they saw the waters trickling west- 
ward towards the Pacific. And there — it was Indepen- 
dence Day six years before Fremont, following in the 
footsteps of these women, gained the name of the ' Path- 
finder ' — they alighted from their horses and kneeling on 
the other half of the continent, with the Bible in one hand 
and the American flag in the other, took possession of it as 
the home of American mothers and of the Church of 
Christ." 2 

Mr. George Ludington Weed, in writing of this im- 
pressive incident, says: — " The only human witnesses 
to this scene were the two Nez Perce lads, who had pre- 
viously witnessed the Whitman wedding ceremony." 

Mr. Gray gives a fine description of their journey- 
ings, which our readers will surely thank us for quot- 
ing: 

" With the company was a gentleman from St. Louis, a 
Major Pilcher. He usually rode a fine white mule, and 

1 See Gray, Oregon, pp. 116 ,117. 

8 H, H. Spalding in the Chicago Advance, December i, 1872. 



A DOUBLE BRIDAL TOUR 73 

was dressed in the top of hunting or mountain style, such 
as a fine buckskin coat, trimmed with red cloth and por- 
cupine quills, fine red shirt, nice buckskin pants, and moc- 
casins tinged and nicely trimmed; he was, in fact, very 
much of a gentleman in all his conversation and deport- 
ment. The Major was also considerable of a gallant (as I 
believe most titled gentlemen are). He was proceeding 
around one of those clay salt pits, and explaining to the 
ladies their nature and danger, when suddenly mule, 
Major, and all dropped out of sight, except the mule's ears 
and the fringe on the Major's coat. Instantly several men 
were on hand with ropes, and assisted the Major and mule 
out of the pit. Such a sight! You may imagine what you 
please, I will not attempt to describe it. 

" However, no particular harm was done the Major, only 
the thorough saturation of his fine suit of buckskin and the 
mule, with that indescribably adhesive mud. He took it 
all in good part, and joined in the jokes on the occasion. 
No other remarkable incident occurred till we arrived at 
Rock Independence. On the south end of that rock nearly 
all the prominent persons of the party placed their names 
and date of being there. 

" Later wagon trains and travelers have complained, and 
justly, of sage brush and the difficulties of this route. 
Whitman and his four men opened it as far as they could 
with a light wagon and a cart. To him must be given the 
credit of the first practical experiment, though Ashley, 
Bonneville, and Bridger had taken wagons into the Rocky 
Mountains and left them, and pronounced the experiment 
a failure and a wagon road impracticable. Whitman's 
perseverance demonstrated a great fact, — the practicability 
of a wagon road over the Rocky Mountains. 

' ' You that have rolled over those vast plains and slept in 
your Concord coaches or Pullman palace cars, have never 
once imagined the toil and labor of that old off-hand 
pioneer, as he mounted his horse in the morning and rode 
all day in the cold or heat of the mountains and plains, to 
prove that a wagon road was practicable to the waters of 
the Columbia River. Even Fremont, six years after, claims 
to be the discoverer of the passes through which Whitman 
took his cart and wagon, and kept up with the pack-train 
from day to day. 

" After this the health of Mrs. Spalding seemed gradually 



74 MARCUS WHITMAN 

to decline. She was placed in the wagon as much as would 
relieve her, and changed from wagon to saddle as she could 
bear, till they arrived at the American rendezvous on Green 
River. 

" From Rock Independence information was sent forward 
into the mountains of the arrival of the caravan, and about 
the time and place they expected to reach the rendezvous. 
This information reached not only the American trappers 
and hunters in the mountains, but the Snake, Bannock, 
Nez Perce, and Flathead tribes, and the traders of the 
Hudson's Bay Company. Two days before we arrived at 
our rendezvous, about two hours before we reached camp, 
the whole caravan was alarmed by the arrival of some ten 
Indians and four or five white men, whose dress and ap- 
pearance could scarcely be distinguished from that of the 
Indians. As they came in sight over the hills, they all gave 
a yell, such as hunters and Indians only can give; whiz! 
whiz ! came their balls over our heads, and on they came, 
in less time than it will take you to read this account. The 
alarm was but for a moment; our guide had seen a white 
cloth on one of their guns, and said, ' Don't be alarmed, 
they are friends,' and sure enough, in a moment here they 
were. It was difficult to tell which was the more crazy, the 
horse or the rider; such hopping, hooting, running, jump- 
ing, yelling, jumping sage brush, whirling around, for they 
could not stop to reload their guns, but all of us as they 
came on gave them a salute from ours, as they passed to 
the rear of our line and back again, hardly stopping to give 
the hand to any one. On to camp we went. 

"At night, who should we find but old Takkensuitas 
and Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats (Lawyer), with a letter from 
Mr. Parker, which informed the party that he had arrived 
safely at Walla Walla, and that the Indians had been kind 
to him, and from what he had seen and could learn of them, 
they were well disposed towards all white men. Mr. Par- 
ker, as his journal of that trip and observations will show, 
was a man of intelligence, and a close observer of men and 
things. 

' ' He soon learned, on arriving at Walla Walla, that there 
was a bitter anti- American feeling in the country, and that, 
notwithstanding he had arrived in it uninvited, and without 
the aid of the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, he was 
in it, nevertheless, as the guest of the Nez Perce Indians. 



A DOUBLE BRIDAL TOUR 75 

They had found him in the Rocky Mountains; they 
brought him to Walla Walla; they had received him, treated 
him kindly, and proved to him that they were not only 
friendly, but anxious to have the American influence and 
civilization come among them. 

11 Rev. Jason Lee and party were in the country. Abun- 
dance of unasked advice had been given to him by Hudson's 
Bay Company's men; his caution prevailed; he was to let 
Dr. Whitman, or the mission party that might be sent 
across the mountains, hear from him by the Indians. Feel- 
ing certain that any advice or information he might attempt 
to communicate to his missionary friends would in all prob- 
ability be made use of to their detriment, and perhaps 
destroy the mission itself, he did not deem it prudent to 
write or to give any advice. Should any party come on 
before he could reach them, his note was sufficient to in- 
form them of the fact of his safe arrival and the friendly 
treatment he had received from the Indians; farther than 
this he did not feel safe to communicate — not for want of 
confidence in the Indians, but from what he saw and 
learned of the feelings of the Hudson's Bay Company. 
Yet he felt that, notwithstanding they were showing him 
outwardly every attention, they evidently did not wish to 
see the American influence increase in any shape in the 
country. 

" Rev. Mr. Parker's letter, short and unsatisfactory as it 
was, caused considerable expression of unpleasant feeling 
on the part of those who considered they had a right to a 
more full and extended communication. But Mr. Parker 
was at Vancouver, or somewhere else; they might and they 
might not meet him ; he may and he may not have written 
more fully. 

" At supper time old Takkensuitas (Rotten Belly) and Ish- 
hol-hol-hoats-hoats were honored with a place at the mis- 
sionary board. ... I will give you the bill of fare on 
this memorable occasion. Place — by the side of a muddy 
stream called Sandy, about thirty miles south of Windy 
River Mountain [now known as Fremont's Peak]. This 
mountain, you will remember, is about as near the highest 
point of the North American continent as can be. This 
fact is established, not from geographical or barometrical 
observations, but from the simple fact that water runs from 
it by way of the Missouri, Colorado, and Columbia rivers 



76 MARCUS WHITMAN 

into the eastern, southern, and western oceans, and but a 
short distance to the north of this mountain commences the 
waters of the Saskatchewan River, running into Hudson's 
Bay and the northern ocean. 1 There are doubtless many 
other mountains whose peaks ascend higher into the clouds, 
but none of them are so decidedly on top of the continent 
as this one. Of course our little party is in a high altitude, 
and in sight of this mountain, which may or may not have 
been ten thousand feet higher to its snow-capped peak. 

" Date — about the 20th day of July, 1836. Our table was 
the grass beside this muddy stream ; cloth — an old broken 
oilcloth badly used up; plates — when the company started 
were called tin, but from hard usage were iron in all shapes; 
cups — ditto; knives — the common short-bladed wooden- 
handled butcher knife; forks — a stick each cut to suit him- 
self, or, if he preferred the primitive mode of conveying his 
food to its proper destination, he was at liberty to practice 
it; food extra on this occasion — a nice piece of roast buffalo 
meat, roasted upon a stick before the fire, seasoned with a 
little salt, with a full proportion of sand and dirt. On this 
occasion tea, with sugar, was used; the supply of bread 
was limited ; we will not trouble the reader with an extra 
list of dessert." a 

Just beyond the Divide was the rendezvous where 
the caravan of the Fur Company stopped. Rough 
mountaineers were there who had not even seen a 
white woman since they left the homes of their child- 
hood. Some of them wept as they took these women 
by the hand, — the first white women that ever crossed 
the Rocky Mountains. " From that day," said one 
of these rough pioneers, " I was a better man." The 
Indians also came with a warm greeting. Mr. Spald- 
ing, in speaking of the scene many years after, said of 
these Indians: 

" They were the happiest men you ever saw. Their wo- 
men took possession of Mrs. Spalding, and the gladness they 
showed, not less than the biscuit and the trout with which 

1 This is evidently an error. The upper waters of the Saskatchewan 
are a long way north of this place. a Gray, Oregon, pp. n 7-120. 



A DOUBLE BRIDAL TOUR 77 

they fed her, revived her spirit, so that from that hour she 
began to mend ; and from that hour her future and theirs 
were one." x 

There were Americans at the rendezvous who knew 
what this transportation of women across the moun- 
tains meant, who knew its significance, who could 
foresee results. One old trapper exclaimed: " There 
is something which the Honorable Hudson's Bay 
Company cannot get rid of. They cannot send these 
women out of the country. They have come to 
stay." ' It was a prophecy. No truer word was ever 
spoken. They had come to stay, and the Americans 
were to stay. Their journey across the mountains 
was the first link in the chain of events which finally 
bound Oregon to our country with indissoluble bonds, 
although the result was not reached till years later. 

Their journey was only half done. Who would 
conduct them down the western slope of the moun- 
tains, which really was the more difficult portion of 
the way? Fortunately, an English trading party soon 
appeared at the rendezvous, which was an unusual hap- 
pening, and with them they completed the trip. They 
had left civilization on our western frontiers, May 
2 1 st, and on the 2d of September they reached the 
Columbia. Mr. Spalding says : 

"They were now at home amid a nation that had no 
homes. They found a resting-place among restless wan- 
derers. But faith had become sight. The first battle had 
been fought and won. White women had come safely over 
the mountains. Cattle and horses had been kept secure 
from the Indian raiders. A wagon had been brought 
through, — ' the first wheel that had ever pressed the sage.' 
Whitman had demonstrated to himself that an emigration 
could cross from Missouri to Oregon; and when, seven 
years afterwards, he led a company of a thousand along 

1 Rev. H. H. Spalding in the Chicago Advance, December 1, 1870. 



78 MARCUS WHITMAN 

the same track, he demonstrated it to the world and gained 
Oregon, and with it California, to the United States." ' 

Mr. Gray writes thus : 

"It is due to Dr. Whitman to say that notwithstanding 
this was the most difficult route we had to travel, yet he 
persevered with his old wagon, without any particular as- 
sistance; from Soda Springs to Fort Hall his labor was im- 
mense, yet he overcame every difficulty and brought it safely 
through. I have thrice since traveled the same route, and 
confess I cannot see how he did it, notwithstanding I was 
with him, and know he brought the wagon through. . . . 

" At Fort Hall we had another overhauling and lightening 
of baggage. The Doctor was advised to take his wagon 
apart and pack it, if he calculated to get it through the 
terrible canons and deep, bottomless creeks we must pass 
in going down Snake Plains. . . . He made a cart on 
two of the wheels, placed the axletree and the other two 
wheels on his cart, and about the ist of August, 1836, our 
camp was again in motion. As we reached camp on Port- 
neuf the first night, in passing a bunch of willows, Mrs. 
Spalding's horse, a kind and perfectly gentle animal, was 
stung by a wasp, causing him to spring to one side. Mrs. 
Spalding lost her balance; her foot hung fast in the stirrup; 
the horse made but a single bound from the sting of the 
wasp, and stopped still till Mrs. Spalding was relieved from 
what appeared almost instant death. . . . 

" At Fort Boise, McLeod and McKay, and all the Johnny 
Crapauds of the company, united in the opinion that it was 
impossible to get the Doctor's cart any farther without 
taking it all apart and bending the iron tires on the wheels, 
and packing it in par-fleshes (the dried hide of the buffalo, 
used as an outside covering for packs), and in that way we 
might get it through, if the animals we packed it upon did 
not fall with it from the precipices over which we must 
pass. Impossible to get it through any other way. After 
several consultations, and some very decided expressions 
against any further attempt to take the wagon farther, a 
compromise was made, that, after the party had reached 
their permanent location, the Doctor or Mr. Gray would 
return with the Hudson's Bay Company's caravan and get 

1 Rev. H. H. Spalding in the Chicago Advance, December 1, 1870. 



A DOUBLE BRIDAL TOUR 79 

the wagon and bring it through. To this proposition the 
Doctor consented. The wagon was left, to the great ad- 
vantage of the Hudson's Bay Company in removing their 
timber and material to build their new fort, as was contem- 
plated, that and the following seasons. 1 

" All our goods were placed upon the tallest horses we 
had, and led across. Mrs. Spalding and Mrs. Whitman were 
ferried over on a bullrush raft, made by the Indians for 
crossing. The tops of the rushes were tied with grass 
ropes, and spread and so arranged that, by lying quite flat 
upon the rushes and sticks they were conveyed over in 
safety. Portions of our clothing and goods, as was ex- 
pected, came in contact with the water, and some delay 
caused to dry and repack. This attended to, the party 
proceeded on the present wagon trail till they reached the 
Grande Ronde ; thence they ascended the mountain on the 
west side of the main river, passed over into a deep canon, 
through thick timber, ascended the mountain, and came 
out to the Umatilla, not far from the present wagon route. 

' ' As the party began to descend from the western slope 
of the Blue Mountains, the view was surpassingly grand. 
Before us lay the great valley of the Columbia; on the west, 
and in full view, Mount Hood rose amid the lofty range of 
the Cascade Mountains, ninety miles distant. To the 
south of Mount Hood stood Mount Adams, and to the 
north, Mount Rainier; while, with the assistance of Mr. 
McKay, we could trace the course of the Columbia, and 
determine the location of Walla Walla. It was quite late 
in the evening before we reached camp on the Umatilla, 
being delayed by our cattle, their feet having become worn 
and tender in passing over the sharp rocks, there being but 
little signs of a trail where we passed over the Blue Moun- 
tains in 1836." 2 

Dr. Whitman located at Waiilatpu (Wy-ee-lat-poo), 
near Walla Walla. Mr. Spalding made his home 
one hundred and twenty miles to the eastward up 
the Clearwater River, among the Nez Percys. They 
found a people without hoe, or plow, or hoof of 

1 Later this wagon was taken through to Waiilatpu. 
8 See Gray, Oregon, pp. 131-141. 



80 MARCUS WHITMAN 

cattle. They had brought a quart of wheat ' with 
them, as the Astor party twenty-five years before had 
carried with them around Cape Horn twelve potatoes. 9 
Eleven years afterwards they harvested between twenty 
thousand and thirty thousand bushels of grain. Their 
few cows, meanwhile, had multiplied into numerous 
herds ; gardens and orchards were planted ; and the 
sheep, which the English residents had denied them 
but which the Sandwich Islanders gave, had increased 
into large flocks. Mrs. Spalding's school numbered 
five hundred Indian pupils, and a church of a hundred 
members had been gatheredo 

The first printing-press ever operated west of the 
mountains had been presented to the mission by the 
native church at Honolulu. Upon this press — 
the type-setting, press work, and binding being done 
by the missionaries' own hands — were printed a few 
school books, the native code of laws, a small collec- 
tion of hymns, and the Gospel of Matthew. 3 These 
school books were given, without pay, freely to the 
Indians. 

1 Dr. Eells says they must have obtained wheat seed from the Hudson's 
Bay Company. 

2 Franchere, in his narrative of the Astoria settlement, says : "In the 
month of May, 1811, on a rich piece of land in front of our establish- 
ment at Astoria, we put into the ground twelve potatoes, so shriveled 
up during the passage from New York that we despaired of raising any 
from the few sprouts that still showed signs of life. Nevertheless, we 
raised one hundred and ninety potatoes the first season, and after sparing 
a few plants to our inland traders we planted fifty or sixty hills, which 
produced five bushels the second year. About two bushels of these were 
planted, which gave us a welcome crop of fifty bushels in the year 18 13." 

3 Dr. Eells told the writer that this press was brought from the 
Sandwich Islands by Edwin O. Hall, assistant secular superintendent of 
the mission at the Sandwich Islands. He could set type and did this 
first work upon the press in Oregon. 



A DOUBLE BRIDAL TOUR 81 

Let us see now what other tendencies were at work. 
While Dr. Whitman was very active at Waiilatpu in 
dispensing medicine, attending the sick, establishing a 
gristmill, and in other pioneer enterprises, the agents 
of the Hudson's Bay Company were improving their 
opportunities to strengthen themselves and to weaken 
the power and influence of the American missionaries. 

At Fort Vancouver they had dismissed the Church 
of England chaplain, the Rev. Mr. Beaver, and his 
wife, who had been sent over from the home govern- 
ment at London, and had substituted several Catholic 
priests. These priests were now located at Vancouver, 
and visited the several principal stations of the Com- 
pany. It soon became evident to Dr. Whitman that 
the Hudson's Bay Company and the priests had deter- 
mined that this country should fall into the hands of 
Great Britain, or rather of the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany. All their policy was shaped to that end. 

Sir George Simpson and others, persons of influence 
connected with the Hudson's Bay Company, both in 
this country and in England were industriously circu- 
lating the report that the mountains were impassable 
to wagons, that women and children could never cross 
the rocky barrier that walled off Oregon from the 
United States, and that hence this section was value- 
less to our country. These reports were spread among 
the hardy pioneers upon the borders of Missouri and 
vicinity, who were thereby deterred from attempting 
an overland journey across the mountains. Every 
effort had been made in diplomatic negotiations to in- 
duce us to give up our claims to the territory ; and all 
the time the Hudson's Bay Company was active in 
retiring its servants upon farms in this country and in 
bringing immigrants from the Red River and Canada. 

6 



82 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Whitman's station at Waiilatpu was among the 
Cayuse Indians ; Spalding at Lapwai was with the Nez 
Percys. Here they began their missionary labors. 
They built houses, which must necessarily be adobe or 
of logs. They fenced pastures for their cattle, and 
began at once the cultivation of the ground. Mr. 
Gray, as manager of their business affairs, had his 
hands full. He spent a portion of his time with Dr. 
Whitman and the rest with Mr. Spalding. 



CHAPTER V 

MR. GRAY'S JOURNEY TO THE STATES 

IN December, 1836, when the affairs of the two sta- 
tions were settled and in good running order, it 
was decided that Mr. Gray should go east for rein- 
forcements. Frank Ermatinger, a fur trader, and his 
son, a lad of ten or twelve years, were about to cross 
the mountains farther north, and Mr. Gray determined 
to accompany them. They purchased their supplies 
at Fort Vancouver. Their route was up the north 
branch of the Columbia, across the Cceur d'Alene 
Lake in boats, and so onward to a trading post near 
the present city of Helena. Here Gray rested and 
prepared for his long journey. He bought twenty or 
thirty horses and hired an Iroquois Indian to go with 
him, to help in caring for the horses and to act as in- 
terpreter with the Indians. Ermatinger wished to 
send his son east, and Gray undertook the charge. 
Two young men who wished to go to the States also 
joined the party. There were, besides, three friendly 
Flatheads and a Snake Indian. 

Starting from the trading post, the party went in a 
southerly direction to Fort Hall, following nearly the 
present track of the railroad, past the places where 
now are situated Butte City and Dillon. 1 They had 

1 This description of Gray's route is as nearly correct as the author 
can make it from notes taken from Mr. Gray's own words. 

83 



84 MARCUS WHITMAN 

no serious adventures on this almost untraveled sec- 
tion of their journey. From Fort Hall, Mr. Gray re- 
traced his steps of the previous year through the South 
Pass, down the Sweetwater and North Platte rivers 
towards civilization. 

They were well through the Rocky Mountains with- 
out having experienced any difficulty from the In- 
dians. Their only serious adventure came after they 
had nearly passed the foothills on the eastern slope of 
the range. They were then in the country of the 
Sioux, and one day they were attacked by a large 
band of Sioux warriors. Up to this time Mr. Gray 
had been a peace man. He did not believe in fight- 
ing Indians. While his companions were protecting 
themselves behind the carcasses of horses which had 
been shot by the Indians, Mr. Gray deliberately 
walked out upon a small hillock, waving a white hand- 
kerchief as a flag of truce. He was greatly surprised 
at the result of his peace movement. The Indians 
deliberately aimed their muskets at him and fired. 
He was a fair target, within easy rifle shot, and he 
barely escaped death. One bullet went through the 
top of his soft felt hat, just grazing his head. He im- 
mediately sprang back to cover and seizing a musket, 
opened rapid fire upon the Indians. He was a peace 
man no longer. 

They were so largely outnumbered that the inter- 
preter advised Gray and his party to surrender as the 
only chance of saving their lives. The fight had con- 
tinued for three hours, during which all of his friendly 
Indians had been killed. Reluctantly, — for Gray was 
a bold man, — he felt compelled to follow the advice 
and surrender. The Indians took them prisoners 
with their horses and effects, and carried them to the 



MR. GRAY'S JOURNEY TO THE STATES 85 

camp. What must have been the reflections of these 
men entirely in the hands of their captors, and those 
captors savage Sioux Indians ! The next day a full 
explanation was had of the whole affair. The chief 
interrogated them, inquiring who they were, where 
they were from, whither going, for what purpose, why 
they were in the Indian country. With his utmost 
shrewdness and adroit skill, Mr. Gray gave his answers 
through the interpreter. He told him that they 
were the friends of the Indian race, and had come 
across the mountains from the place of the sunset, 
where he had gone to instruct the Indians how they 
should live in order to be happy here and reach the 
happy hunting grounds hereafter. He made it clear 
that they were not trappers or hunters, but were merely 
traveling through the Indian country to get other 
teachers to come back with them to instruct the In- 
dians in the way of life. The chief listened to all 
these statements with evident interest, and, Mr. Gray 
thought, with some sympathy. At last he announced 
his decision. Their lives were to be spared, and they 
were permitted to go on. As a conqueror, he exacted 
from the conquered party an indemnity. He proposed 
to retain all their best horses, but the prisoners were 
to be permitted to take their muskets and three rounds 
of ammunition each. 

With words of good will this Sioux chief bade his 
prisoners depart and take care of themselves. In what 
a plight did they find themselves! On poor horses, 
with only their muskets and three rounds of ammu- 
nition, with scarcely four days' rations, perhaps three 
weeks from the nearest American fort, and still in the 
Indian country ! But they pushed on bravely, using 
their ammunition carefully, availing themselves of 



86 MARCUS WHITMAN 

what roots and herbs they could find, and traveling 
nights and during storms to avoid the Indians. In 
twenty-one days they reached Council Bluffs. Their 
necessities were relieved, and they soon continued 
their journey to St. Louis and the east. 

Now let us observe Mr. Gray as he reached his 
mother's home. It is just at nightfall as he, solitary 
and alone, wends his way to the house. His mother 
is in the kitchen. He looks through the unshuttered 
window and by the light of the candle sees her flitting 
back and forth preparing the evening meal. He raps 
at the door ; she opens it and asks what is wanted. At 
first she does not recognize her son, but when he speaks, 
she remembers the voice and welcomes him home. 

The mother and son embrace, and soon the even- 
ing meal is ready. How proud she is of her manly 
son ! With great delight she listens to the stories of 
his two long journeys. How interested she is in the 
account which he gives of the work of the Indian 
missions ! But he cuts short his visit, for he is anxious 
and impatient to make another call this evening. 

From his mother's house he finds his way to the 
home of his betrothed. How rapidly the words flow! 
How many questions the mother has to ask! Mr. 
Gray is wearing the same hat which served him in the 
journey over the mountains, in which are two bullet 
holes made by the Sioux Indians. The mother ob- 
serves these holes and inquires the cause for them. 
When she learns that he came so near losing his life in 
a skirmish with Indians, she at once says that she can- 
not allow her daughter to venture upon such a danger- 
ous journey as a trip to the Columbia Valley evidently 
would be. 

The engagement was broken off, but Mr. Gray was 



MR. GRAY'S JOURNEY TO THE STATES 87 

a resolute man, ready to make the best of the cir- 
cumstances. He took his departure, doubtless with 
the thought that if this young lady would not cross 
the Rocky Mountains, some other could be found to 
accompany him. 1 

Now was the time for activity among his friends. One 
after another, the eligible young ladies in the vicinity 
were recommended to him. None of them, however, 
attracted the favorable attention of the young mission- 
ary. Again and again he went on what he afterwards 
styled as " a fool's errand." At length an intimate 
friend, a young man with whom he had been well ac- 
quainted for years, told him of a young lady who, 
he thought, had all the requisite qualifications. He 
described her mental and moral qualities, and finally 
invited Mr. Gray to go with him and see her. 

They made but a short call on the young lady and 
her mother, yet it was long enough for him to give 
some description of the Oregon country and of the 
work in which he was engaged. He had also used his 
powers of observation, and a few days later he was 
inclined to call again of his own accord. After per- 
haps half an hour's conversation, being a straight- 
forward business man and not much inclined to 
formalities, he somewhat abruptly inquired of the 
young lady: " Will you go over the mountains with 
me ?" 

However sudden the question may have seemed to 
her, she finally replied : 

" If Mrs. Spalding could stand the journey, I think 
I could." 

It was Saturday evening, and they must be ready to 

1 This account of Mr. Gray's meeting his mother and of the interview 
with the young lady was given to the writer by Mr. Gray. 



SS MARCUS WHITMAN 

start a week from the following Monday. The outfit 
had to be selected with great care, for it cost fully a 
dollar a pound in those days to transport goods to the 
Columbia. 

It may well be supposed that the week following 
this conversation was a very busy one for a number of 
persons. Sunday, February 25, 1838, came all too 
soon for their preparations. The wedding was to be 
in the evening, at the Presbyterian church in Ithaca, 
New York. The bride usually sang in the choir, but 
on this occasion she sat in the front pew with Mr. 
Gray. The house was filled to overflowing. At the 
close of the service the minister came down from the 
pulpit, the couple arose, and the marriage ceremony 
proceeded, by which Mr. William H. Gray and Miss 
Mary Augusta Dix, daughter of John Dix, Esq., of 
Champlain, New York, were made man and wife. It 
is surely proper to say just here that this singular mar- 
riage proved a successful one, and that for nearly forty- 
four years they lived happily together. Mr. Gray in 
his subsequent life came east twice, — in 1852, and 
again in 1885. His wife never again saw her eastern 
home. She died at Olney, near the mouth of the 
Columbia River, in Oregon, December 8, 1881. 



CHAPTER VI 

A TRIPLE BRIDAL TOUR ACROSS THE CONTINENT 

MR. GRAY'S representations to the Missionary 
Board in Boston had been such as to induce 
them to send additional missionaries. Rev. Cushing 
Eells and Rev. Elkanah Walker, two young men not 
yet married, were under appointment by the Board as 
missionaries to South Africa, but war among the Zulus 
prevented their going. The secretary of the Board 
asked them if they were willing to change their desti- 
nation and go to Oregon, and they consented. Later 
the services of Rev. A. B. Smith and his wife, of Con- 
necticut, were secured. 

Mr. Walker was from North Yarmouth, Maine, and 
on the 5th of March, 1838, he was married to Miss 
Mary Richardson. On the same day Mr. Eells was 
married to Miss Myra Fairbank, of Holden, Massa- 
chusetts. She was the daughter of Deacon Joshua 
Fairbank of Holden, and had received her education 
at a ladies' seminary in Wethersfield, Connecticut. 
While Mr. Eells was pursuing his studies, he taught 
school at one time in Holden, and there became ac- 
quainted with Miss Fairbank. Before their marriage, 
Mr. Eells asked her if she was willing to become a 
missionary. Her reply was characteristic of her de- 
cision of character and Christian consecration. She 

89 



9 o MARCUS WHITMAN 

said, " I doubt whether you could have asked any 
one who would have been more willing." 

Gray was married a week earlier than Eells and 
Walker. He started on his journey the day after the 
wedding, one week in advance of the others. His 
route was from Ithaca to New York by stage-coach, 
from New York to Perth Amboy by steamboat, by 
rail to Camden, thence to Washington, D. C, from 
there to Hagerstown, Maryland, thence by stage to 
Wheeling, Virginia, and from there to Cincinnati by 
boat. At Cincinnati he purchased the outfit for his 
party. From Cincinnati he went by boat down the 
Ohio and the Mississippi, and up the Missouri to In- 
dependence. 

Let us follow a little more minutely the route taken 
by Mr. and Mrs. Eells. We have seen that they were 
married March 5, 1838, in Holden, Massachusetts. 
Deacon Fairbank, Mrs. Eells's father, carried them 
the next day in a sleigh to Worcester. From Worces- 
ter they went in a stage " on runners all day long 
through the mud," to East Windsor Hill, Connecti- 
cut, where Mr. Eells had studied theology. They jour- 
neyed from East Windsor Hill to Hartford by carriage, 
from Hartford to New Haven by stage, and from 
New Haven to New York by steamer. At New York 
they met Mr. and Mrs. Walker, and on Sunday, 
March 18, the two couples received their instructions 
as missionaries from Rev. David Greene, secretary of 
the Board, in the old brick church of which Dr. Gar- 
diner Spring was pastor. After the instructions by 
Secretary Greene, Dr. Spring delivered an address, and 
Secretary Armstrong made the concluding prayer. 

The next day the party was joined by Rev. Mr. 
Smith and wife, who had been delayed on their 



A TRIPLE BRIDAL TOUR 91 

journey to New York. The three couples left New 
York on Tuesday, March 20th, and went by steamer to 
Perth Amboy, to Camden by rail, and from Philadelphia 
to Chambersburg by rail. At that time Chambers- 
burg was the farthest point of the railroad towards the 
west. From Chambersburg over the mountains to 
Pittsburg, their conveyance was by stage, and from 
Pittsburg a steamboat took them down the Ohio to 
Cincinnati. 

"At Cincinnati the question of traveling on the 
Sabbath while crossing the continent came seriously 
before them. The advice of Dr. Lyman Beecher was 
asked. He said substantially that if he were in a ship 
on the ocean, when Saturday night should come he 
should not jump overboard." * 

Here they were joined by Mr. Cornelius Rogers, a 
young man who went as an independent missionary ; 
but after his arrival in Oregon he was appointed an as- 
sistant missionary. From Cincinnati their course was 
by steamer down the Ohio and the Mississippi and up 
the Missouri to Independence Landing. A few miles 
on horseback took them to Westport where the caravan 
was to start ; for they were to cross the continent, at 
least as far as the general rendezvous, under the escort 
of the American Fur Company. Here they found Mr. 
and Mrs. Gray waiting for them. 

Now the entire missionary party was together, — 
Rev. Cushing Eells and wife, Rev. Elkanah Walker 
and wife, Rev. A. B. Smith and wife, William H. 
Gray and wife, and Mr. Cornelius Rogers. The cara- 
van moved from Westport on April 22d, Sunday. 
The missionaries did not quite like to start on the 
Lord's Day ; hence they waited until Monday morning 

1 Myron Eells, Father Eells, p. 39. 



92 MARCUS WHITMAN 

to begin their journey of two thousand miles across 
the plains and through the mountains. They did not 
overtake the caravan until the next Saturday night. 

We will not follow this missionary band in its 
itinerary as we did Whitman and Spalding two years 
before, especially as we shall be obliged to trace care- 
fully the journey of the emigrants who went over five 
years later. A few incidents, however, deserve notice. 
Let us here quote from the journal of Mrs. Eells a full 
description of their manner of journeying: 

" Almost as soon as our tents were pitched Captains Drips 
and Stevens called on us and had a social talk. The 
former had command of the caravan, and the latter was an 
English gentleman traveling for pleasure. We gave them 
some biscuit and cheese. They appeared pleasant, though 
they said we had better travel by ourselves, either before 
or behind camp, as they should keep their animals guarded 
nights, and it might not be convenient for our men to stand 
guard. Mr. Gray told them that his men expected to stand 
guard. They seemed to think each company had better 
take care of their own horses. This gives us to understand 
that they do not want us to travel with them. However, 
Mr. Gray did not mean to take the hint as he knew it 
would not be safe for us to travel alone; and he insisted on 
a due proportion of the guarding being assigned to us. 

" Indians are on every side of us. They come around our 
tents to watch us like great dogs. Our dog grabbed one 
who was nearly naked. Mr. Eells called him off, whipped 
him, and then tied him. 

" Will God give me grace, wisdom, knowledge, and 
strength equal to my day; make me useful in life, happy in 
death and in eternity ? Mr. Eells is so tired that he says 
a bed of stones would feel soft. 

"The American Fur Company had its headquarters at 
St. Louis and sent a caravan to the Rocky Mountains every 
year to gather the furs obtained by their trappers and to 
buy others from free trappers and Indians. This was as 
far as they were allowed to go, the Hudson's Bay Company 
having complete control of the fur trade west of those 
mountains. To pay for these furs, the company carried 



A TRIPLE BRIDAL TOUR 93 

out goods which consisted principally of blankets, garments, 
whiskey, and tobacco. This year they had about two hun- 
dred horses and mules and seventeen carts, each drawn by 
two mules tandem, except the cart of Captain Drips, the 
commander, which was drawn by three mules. Captain 
Stevens had a six-mule wagon. The missionaries had 
twenty-two horses and mules, and for a time one wagon. 
This was taken so that for the first part of the way the 
ladies might be carried in it at times, and rest from horse- 
back riding until thoroughly accustomed to it. In the 
whole procession were about sixty men. The wagons 
were all covered with dark oilcloth. 

" During the night five men were on guard and five were 
on guard during the day. To make it easy, the night 
guard changed three times in the night, which gave about 
two hours and a half to each man, and each man was on 
guard every fourth night and one day in every twelve. At 
night the wagons were arranged in a circle, into which all 
the horses and mules were brought and picketed. At half- 
past three they were let loose to feed outside the circle until 
six, when they were harnessed and packed for traveling. 
This took half or three quarters of an hour. Every man 
had to know and do his own work. Mr. Walker had one 
horse for himself and one for his wife to ride, and one to 
pack. Mr. Rogers had three, one to ride and two to pack. 
Mr. Gray had three, two for riding and one for the wagon 
of which he had charge. Mr. Stevens, the packer, had 
four, one for riding and three for packing, and Mr. Eells 
four, two for riding and two for packing. These they were 
to catch morning, noon, and night. Before starting every 
man put on his belt, powder-flask, knife, and the like, and 
took his gun on his horse before him. This done, they 
rode from three to six hours. Once they rode nine hours 
without stopping. The wagons moved first, then the pack 
animals and cattle, the missionaries taking twelve of the 
latter. The ladies rode sometimes behind all and some- 
times between the wagons and pack animals. Messrs. 
Walker and Smith drove the cattle ; Messrs. Stevens, 
Rogers, and Eells the mules, and Mr. Gray the wagon. . . 

"We generally stop about two hours at noon, turn out the 
animals, get our dinners and eat; then we wash the dishes 
again, the men catch the animals and pack them. We 
mount our horses and are riding over the rolling prairies, 



94 MARCUS WHITMAN 

over high bluffs, through deep ravines and rivers, but 
through no woods. At night, when our animals are un- 
packed, the gentlemen pitch our tents. We spread our 
buffalo skins first, and then a piece of oilcloth for our floor. 
Then we neatly arrange our saddles and other loose bag- 
gage around the inside of our house. For our chairs we 
fold our blankets and lay them around, leaving a circle in 
the center upon which we spread a tablecloth when we eat. 
In the morning we get up at half-past three, and turn the 
animals out to eat; then we get our breakfast, eat, and 
have worship. After this we wash and pack our dishes; 
our husbands catch the animals, saddle the horses, and 
pack the mules. When we are fairly on our way we have 
much the appearance of a large funeral procession. I sup- 
pose the company reaches half a mile. 

" As the horses and mules were gathered, preparatory to 
being driven into the Kansas River to swim across, the 
order came: ' Tie up the trail ropes.' Mr. Eells obeyed. 
Ignorantly he wound the rope around the neck of his wife's 
riding animal, which was rather treacherous. When it 
landed on the opposite side it realized its liberty and re- 
fused to be caught. After fruitless attempts to catch it, as 
a last resort application was made to the hunter for help. 
He proposed the plan of ' nicking ' it, that is, of shoot- 
ing a rifle ball through the upper part of the neck in such a 
manner as to stun and drop the animal for a few minutes, 
but not to injure it. When the two, however, found the 
animal, which by that time had gone out of sight and quite 
a distance from the rest, to their surprise it was quite will- 
ing to be caught. The rope had become so tight around 
the neck as to tame it. The unskilful manner in which it 
had been wound around had turned to good account, and 
Mr. Eells felt that ' the lot was cast into the lap; but the 
whole disposing thereof is of the Lord ' ; for the loss of 
that animal at that time would have been very embarrassing. 

" Mr. Gray had estimated that four hundred miles would 
bring them to the buffalo country, and food, especially 
flour, was taken accordingly; but the buffaloes were not 
found as expected, and the rations became short, so short 
that when they were found not much food was left, only 
flour enough for gravy. It was buffalo, buffalo, buffalo all 
the time. The sudden change to green buffalo meat morn- 
ing, noon, and night, did not, however, agree with Mr. 



A TRIPLE BRIDAL TOUR 95 

Eells. It soon sickened him. When he was at East Wind- 
sor planning for the journey, his kind pupils had said: 
1 Now what can we do for you ? ' He replied: ' Please 
make me two rich cakes, so rich and nice that I can put 
them in my trunk and carry them across the continent, and 
keep them until I shall need them.' This was done. 
When he was suffering from so much buffalo meat he would 
dissolve a little of that cake in water and drink it. This 
was the only food for which he had any relish for a long 
time. For this he was more grateful than words could ex- 
press, and with unwonted emotion he wrote: ' God bless 
those young persons who prepared those cakes. ' 

" The party had tin plates for eating purposes, but some 
had small earthen cups for drinking. When Mr. Ermatin- 
ger, of the Hudson's Bay Company, saw these during the 
latter part of the journey, he said: ' Take away your little 
earthen cups. They gave me one of the little things and I 
swallowed it right down with its contents.' He wanted a 
tin cup that would hold several times as much as the 
earthen ones. 

" There was a fright or two from Indians; that is, Indians 
were discovered, and everybody was required to have his 
rifle ready. Mr. Eells never loaded his, though it was 
loaded once or twice for him by others. There were no 
encounters, however, nor serious trouble with them." 1 

When they had reached the Rocky Mountains, a 
singular circumstance occurred which seriously threat- 
ened to cut short their journey and even to send them 
back to the States. We will let Myron Eells tell the 
story : 

" It was the intention to come thus far with the American 
Fur Company, then at this rendezvous to meet the Hud- 
son's Bay Company, who were to escort them the rest of 
the way. But that year the Fur Company had become 
vexed at the Hudson's Bay Company, and instead of meet- 
ing them as usual, went to a new place a hundred and fifty 
miles north. The usual rendezvous was on the Green 
River, a branch of the Colorado ; but this year it was on 
the Popoazua, a branch of the Wind River. 

1 Myron Eells, Father Eells, pp. 44-49. 



96 MARCUS WHITMAN 

" In passing east the year before, Mr. Gray had said to Mr. 
Frank Ermatinger, of the Hudson's Bay Company, that he 
expected to bring a party out the next year; and as Mr. 
Gray had favored Mr. Ermatinger, the latter intended to 
meet the party at the old rendezvous. But when Mr. 
Ermatinger arrived no party or trace of one was to be found. 
The American Fur Company were about through with 
trading, and were ready to return east in a day or two. It 
was unsafe for the missionaries to proceed alone. They 
found a party of trappers going to California. They must 
either return east or go with this party to California and at- 
tempt to make their way thence to Oregon. They had 
about half determined on the latter course when Providence 
favored them. Some one who was somewhat friendly to the 
missionaries, either Dr. Robert Newell, an independent 
trapper, or a half-breed named Black Harris, who had 
learned of this rendezvous of the American Fur Company, 
had with charcoal written on the old storehouse door: 
1 Come to Popoazua on Wind River and you will find 
plenty trade, whisky, and white women.' The words 
1 white women,' told them what was meant, and Mr. 
Ermatinger went immediately there, arriving only four days 
before the company was ready to start on their return to 
the States. With him were Rev. Jason Lee and Mr. P. L. 
Edwards, of the Methodist Mission, who were on their re- 
turn east for reinforcements. They brought the welcome 
intelligence that Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding had sent 
fresh horses and provisions to Fort Hall for them. ' This,' 
Mrs. Eells wrote, ' at first almost overcame us. We felt 
that the God of missions had foreseen our wants and season- 
ably supplied them beyond our expectations.' " 1 

Here the American Fur Company's caravan re- 
turned. With their new escort the missionaries started 
onward from the Wind River encampment on the 12th 
of July, having a company of about twenty men. 
Two days later they were on the backbone of America, 
within the South Pass. They reached Fort Hall the 
27th of July, and on August 29th, after riding thirty 
miles that day (seven hours), they arrived at Dr. Whit- 

1 Myron Eells, Father Eells, pp. 57, 58. 



A TRIPLE BRIDAL TOUR 97 

man's house. Mrs. Eells gives an interesting descrip- 
tion of Whitman's place and how the new surroundings 
appeared to her. Regarding the house, she writes : 

" It is of adobe, mud dried in the form of brick, only larger. 
I cannot describe its appearance, as I cannot compare it with 
anything I ever saw. There are doors and windows, but 
they are of the roughest material, the boards being sawed 
by hand and put together by no carpenter, but by one who 
knows nothing about the work. There are a number of 
wheat, corn, and potato fields about the house, besides a 
garden of melons and all kinds of vegetables common to a 
garden. There are no fences, there being no timber of 
which to make them. The furniture is very primitive: the 
bedsteads are of boards nailed to the side of the house, 
sink-fashion ; then some blankets and husks make the bed ; 
but it is good compared with traveling accommodations." ' 
1 Myron Eells, Father Eells, p. 62. 



CHAPTER VII 

OREGON SIXTY YEARS AGO 

IT should be constantly kept in mind that the Oregon 
country of that period included what are now the 
three states of Oregon, Washington, and Idaho, the 
western portion of Montana, and the southwestern 
corner of Wyoming. At the time of Gray's return to 
Oregon in 1838, there were only fifty Americans in that 
entire country. The population of that region is now 
nearly, if not quite, one million souls. Mr. Parker 
estimated the number of Indians in that section in 1835 
to be not far from one hundred thousand. The num- 
ber at the present time is probably less than twenty 
thousand. 

Traveling in Oregon sixty years ago was almost 
entirely in boats upon the rivers or on horseback. All 
goods were transported by these means. The houses 
were either adobe or log cabins. During the first few 
years of Dr. Eells's residence at his station, his house 
had only earth for a floor and pine boughs for a roof. 
A bear skin was fastened up over the bed to prevent 
the rain sifting through at night. After a time earth 
was thrown upon the pine boughs on the roof and 
more pine boughs placed on top of the earth. They 
had no window glass, but cotton cloth was used in- 
stead. Myron Eells says that they had but one chair 

98 



OREGON SIXTY YEARS AGO 99 

during the first ten years, and that four stakes driven 
into the ground, with three boards, each three feet 
long, fastened on top of them, made their table — 
these boards having been brought one hundred and 
fifty miles. All cooking was done over an open fire. 
During the first years their principal meat was horse 
flesh. They had no matches, but obtained their fire 
by flint and steel. 

They usually received mail from the States once a 
year, after a time twice a year. Sometimes it would 
take more than a year for a letter written from the 
east to reach its destination. For example, Mrs. 
Eells received in July, 1843, a letter from her sister in 
Massachusetts, which was written in September, 1841 ; 
another letter written by the same sister in December, 
1844, was not received until April, 1847. Dr. Eells 
gives a graphic account of going to the post office in 
those early days. It was not a post office, but a way 
station or an improvised letter box. He says: 

" With our limited facilities the annual autumnal passage 
of the brigade of the Hudson's Bay Company from the east 
of the mountains down the Columbia was an important 
event. Its arrival at Fort Colville was to be prepared for. 
Thus an opportunity was afforded for the conveyance of 
letters to Vancouver, and thence via the Sandwich Islands 
to Boston. I had written and arranged with an Indian to 
accompany and assist me in conveying the mails, and in 
conveying supplies from the fort. In vain I looked for the 
arrival, according to promise, of the needed helper. The 
morning hours passed. According to our measurement n 
a.m. was nearing. The idea of not forwarding what I had 
prepared was unendurable. On a riding horse, with pack 
mule carrying tent, bedding, and food, I started. The 
moon was at its full. After a ride of forty miles I camped. 
Seasonably the next morning I was traveling. The dis- 
tance, thirty miles to the post was passed. The boats had 
not arrived. My mail was left and I returned twenty miles. 
L.ofC. 



ioo MARCUS WHITMAN 

" The fifty miles for the next day should be commenced 
early, as the last fifteen miles were darkened with timber. 
The moon would not rise till more than two hours after 
sunset, and it was cloudy. With such facts in mind I en- 
camped. I slept; I awoke; my first thought was, 'It is 
daylight.' The moon was concealed behind the clouds. 
Hurriedly I struck tent, saddled, packed and was off. After 
riding an indefinite length of time the location of the moon 
was discernible. Judging thus, it was not far from mid- 
night. After a nocturnal ride of ten miles I lay down again 
and slept without fear of being benighted in dark timber. 
The distance traveled was one hundred and forty miles; 
length of time, a little in excess of two days and a half, with 
object obtained and mail taken to post office." x 

Money was almost unknown. About the only 
transaction in money during those years, that the 
Eells family could remember, was that Dr. Eells gave 
Dr. Whitman a two-dollar-and-a-half gold piece in 
payment for filling a tooth. 

Five weeks after her arrival, in a letter written at 
Whitman's station, Mrs. Eells gives her impression 
of the country. Our readers surely will take great 
pleasure in this interesting description written by the 
heroic missionary's equally heroic wife: 

11 We had a long, hard horseback journey, but suppose 
that we are the better qualified to live in this country, as 
there is no other mode of conveyance here. Instead of 
finding everything necessary for a livelihood, we find we are 
dependent on the mission for everything at present. 

11 The country is large and there are comparatively few 
inhabitants in it. The Hudson's Bay Company has a 
number of trading posts which are generally about three 
hundred miles apart. Mr. Spalding and Dr. Whitman 
have each a station about a hundred and twenty-five 
miles apart. The Methodists have two stations, — one a 
hundred and fifty miles and the other four hundred miles 
from here. Besides these settlements there are no others in 

1 From the Walla Walla Watchman, March 27, 1885. 




REV. CUSHINQ EELLS, D.D. 



OREGON SIXTY YEARS AGO 101 

this great territory. Of course the people of each settle- 
ment must raise their own provisions, make their own furni- 
ture, farming utensils, houses, and barns. There are a few 
cattle at each missionary station, a large number at Van- 
couver, and some at most of the other forts. Everything 
of cloth is brought from some foreign port. There is no- 
thing yet to make cloth of, and if there were, there is no 
way to manufacture it. Had I known there was not a 
[spinning] wheel in this whole country I should have been 
exceedingly anxious to have had one sent with my other 
things. There are very few sheep here, and more have 
been sent for from California. Dr. Whitman has raised a 
little flax, though not much, for want of seed. 

" Had it not been for the bedding, books, clothing, etc., 
that were kindly furnished me at home, I must have been 
in great want. The Hudson's Bay Company has furnished 
Mr. Spalding and Dr. Whitman with many of the neces- 
saries of life, which the agents consider as a great favor, 
for they only bring what they want for their own use and to 
trade with the Indians. There never having been any 
white women here before the missionaries, there has been 
no call for anything but Indian articles of trade. The men 
wear striped cotton or calico shirts, sleep in Indian blankets 
and buffalo skins, and of course have had no need for white 
cotton cloth, and have none. The Indians wear moc- 
casins, so there has been no want of shoes except for their 
own use. What things they have that are not in present 
use are kept at Vancouver, and there is generally a full 
supply for this country. 

" Mrs. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding have obtained some 
earthen dishes, but think it is doubtful whether we can have 
any others until we order them from England or the States. 
Perhaps you will wonder what we shall eat with. We have 
the dishes we used on the way, which we have divided so 
that we shall each have a tin dish and a spoon, each a knife, 
fork, and plate. I expect we can get tinware at Vancouver. 
I believe there is a tinner there. We must be contented 
with what books we have until ours come (around Cape 
Horn). Dr. Whitman has gone to Vancouver to get what 
he can for us and make arrangements for them to send our 
things to us when they shall come. We do not expect them 
before another season. 

" The Indians are numerous, but they live a wandering 



102 MARCUS WHITMAN 

life. They live upon game, fish, and roots, which are found 
in many different places. They have no houses, but live 
in lodges made of sticks set in a circle in the ground and 
drawn together at the top and fastened with a string, leav- 
ing a place at the top for the smoke to pass out. Over this 
frame they throw skins, grass, willows, and the like, which 
make their covering. They build their fire upon the 
ground, in the center, around which they sit and sleep. 
They generally have one kettle in which they boil their fish, 
meat, corn, and potatoes, if they have any. None of them 
have corn and potatoes except what they get from some of 
the above-named settlements. Not many of them have 
dishes, knives, forks, or spoons of any kind. They eat 
standing, with the kettle in the middle, their hands supply- 
ing the place of all dishes. They will often perform a long 
journey for a knife or a blanket. They dress in skins. 
Some of them get blankets for their services to the whites, 
which they value highly. They have no written language, 
and I believe no two tribes speak the same language, though 
there is some similarity. 

"It is not known that they worship idols, though it is 
supposed that they worship something. Formerly when 
one died, owning horses, some of the relatives killed them, 
saying he would want them in another world. When they 
are sick they have a kind of jugglery. I have just been to 
see one of their performances. The woman who was sick 
was standing about half bent, beating upon a bit of board 
with a stick, giving herself the hardest of exercise, all the 
while sighing and sobbing as if her heart were broken, and 
sweating profusely. Five or six old women were sitting 
around her, keeping perfect time with all her gestures by 
drumming upon something with a stone. When the sick 
one is too feeble to perform, or too young, some one per- 
forms for her. We tried to tell them it was bad, and she 
left off and lay down while we were there, but as soon as 
we were away they were drumming again. 

" They say they are glad we have come to teach them; 
that their mind is dark, that they know but little, and that 
their children will know more. There are a great many 
children, though very many die quite young. It is thought 
they are decreasing, notwithstanding some of them have a 
large number of wives. The more wives they have the 
richer they are. The women perform all the drudgery and 



OREGON SIXTY YEARS AGO 103 

do all the work. They are a very imitative people; what 
they see us do they try to do. They are very strict in their 
morning and evening devotions and the observances of the 
Sabbath and the like. They do it because they have seen 
us do it, and not from any sense of duty. 

" They have learned of Mr. Spalding and Dr. Whitman 
some Scripture history and some hymns, which they sing. 
They have not yet had much time to teach them, being 
obliged to do most of their own work. It is true the In- 
dians help them some, but they cannot be depended upon. 
They are here to-day and to-morrow they are somewhere 
else. Besides, if they think you are depending upon them, 
they will not work, unless they are driven to it by hunger. 
Some of them are beginning to sow little patches of corn, 
wheat, and potatoes for themselves. This the men have 
done and are proud of it; but if a man works for us, they 
call him a slave or a fool. Three or four have given evi- 
dence of a change of heart. 

" We feel that we are a small band of missionaries in a 
heathen land, far removed from the luxuries and many of 
the comforts of life, and we feel more keenly the absence 
of civilized and Christian society; but we trust we have 
been sent here on errands of mercy, that we are and shall 
be sustained in every trial by the same Almighty arm as in 
a Christian land. It is true that the field is large and but 
few laborers are in it, yet we pray that we may do, and do 
cheerfully, what we have to do to bring the heathen to 
Christ, — knowing that our reward will be great if we are 
faithful. 

"I do not regret that I have come to labor for the In- 
dians. I only regret that I am not better qualified for my 
work. I feel that I have come from a land of plenty to a 
destitute heathen people. I often fear that I shall lack 
that wisdom which is profitable to direct. I am sure no 
one ought to come here until he has counted well the 
cost/' 1 

1 Myron Eells, Father Eells, pp. 75-80. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE WORK OF THE MISSIONARIES 

TWO days after their arrival at Whitman's station, 
the missionaries held a meeting to plan for the 
future. They assigned Mr. and Mrs. Smith to Whit- 
man's station at Waiilatpu ; Mr. and Mrs. Gray and 
Mr. Rogers to Spalding's station at Lapwai ; and 
voted that Walker and Eells, with their wives, should 
establish a new station farther north in the Flathead 
country. It is interesting to notice that the mission- 
aries had already organized a church of which they 
themselves were members, and had established a tem- 
perance society. This church was nominally Presby- 
terian, but practically Congregational. The new 
missionaries at once joined the mission church and 
were enrolled as members of the temperance society. 
After the accession the church numbered sixteen 
members. 

Mr. Smith spent the winter with Dr. Whitman, and 
in the spring opened a new station farther east among 
the Nez Perces. He remained there about three years, 
when he was compelled to give up the work on ac- 
count of his own and his wife's ill-health. They went 
to the Sandwich Islands and subsequently to the 
United States. Mr. Rogers taught school at Lapwai 
during the winter and remained connected with the 

104 









THE WORK OF THE MISSIONARIES 105 

mission about three years. He then withdrew and 
went to the Willamette Valley. 

No time was lost by the new-comers. In less than 
two weeks after their arrival at Waiilatpu, Walker and 
Eells were on their way northward to find the proper 
place for their station. They visited Fort Colville 
to get the advice of Mr. Archibald McDonald, the 
head man of the Hudson's Bay Company at this fort. 
They describe Colville as a beautiful valley, with large 
herds of cattle and great fields of wheat. As they 
looked down upon it from a hilltop, Mr. Walker 
named it " A City under a Hill." Two places were 
commended to their attention, and the missionaries, 
after visiting both, finally settled on a station at a 
place called Tshimakain, now Walker's Prairie, six 
miles north of the Spokane River and a little east of 
the present Spokane City. Here was the home of the 
chief of the Spokane Indians, who were friendly and 
kind. The two men determined to do what they could 
toward building houses in preparation for the coming 
spring. They were to remain at Whitman's station 
during the winter. They had but a single hatchet, so 
they sent Indians to Fort Colville, seventy miles dis- 
tant, to buy two Canadian axes. With these, aided 
by the Indians, they cut logs and built the walls of two 
log houses each about fourteen feet square. As winter 
was approaching, they did not dare to remain to cover 
them, but returned to Walla Walla, visiting Lapwai 
on their way. This journey to select a home for the 
two families occupied them about six weeks. 

They spent the winter at Whitman's station, apply- 
ing themselves to the study of the Flathead language, 
the noted Nez Perce chief, Lawyer, being their 
teacher. 



io6 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Before the first of March the Spokane chief, with 
four men and four women, made his appearance at 
Waiilatpu to escort the missionaries to their new home. 
On the fifth of March, the first anniversary of their 
marriage, these two missionaries, with their wives and 
the little Walker baby, Cyrus Hamlin Walker, mounted 
their horses to ride seventy miles to their new home. 
The houses were quickly roofed over with poles and 
pine boughs, and they began housekeeping. 

Who can tell in what simple style these missionaries 
lived? Their home was of the rudest sort, their com- 
forts were few, and luxuries were unknown. They 
planted, they harvested, they supplied their own tables 
as far as possible from the soil. There were few goods 
in the country to be bought, and fewer still were 
bought by them. The American Board paid all their 
necessary expenses, but the amount was never ex- 
orbitant. The funds of the American Board were 
low, and Secretary Greene asked the missionaries 
to bring the expenses of each family within $300 a 
year, if possible. Dr. Eells has been known, at the 
end of a whole year, to send in his bill to the Board 
for one hundred dollars, to cover the entire expenses 
of his work, himself, and his family. 

When Whitman and his young wife first reached 
Oregon, they went to Fort Walla Walla. There they 
were hospitably received by Dr. McLoughlin. The 
ladies of the party remained there for some time, while 
their husbands went up the Walla Walla to build a 
house and make the necessary preparations for the 
winter. On the 10th of December the entire party 
left Fort Walla Walla and rode on horseback twenty- 
five miles to their new home. Mrs. Whitman's diary 
gives the following account: 



THE WORK OF THE MISSIONARIES 107 

"We found a house reared and the lean-to enclosed, a 
good chimney and fireplace, and the floor laid. No win- 
dows or doors except blankets. My heart truly leaped for 
joy as I alighted from my horse, entered, and seated myself 
before a blazing fire (for it was now night). It occurred to 
me that my dear parents had made a similar beginning and 
perhaps a more difficult one than ours. 

" We had neither drawer, bedstead, nor table, nor any- 
thing to make them of except green cotton wood. All our 
boards were sawed by hand. Here my husband, and his 
laborers (two Owyhees from Vancouver and a man who 
crossed the mountains with us), and Mr. Gray had been en- 
camped in a tent since the 19th of October, toiling exces- 
sively hard to accomplish this much for our comfortable 
residence during the remainder of the winter. 

" It is indeed a lovely situation. We are on a beautiful 
level peninsula formed by the branches of the Walla Walla 
River, on the base of which our house stands, upon the 
northeast corner near the shore of the main river. To run 
a fence across to the opposite river on the north from our 
house, — this, with the river, would enclose three hundred 
acres of good land for good cultivation all directly under 
the eye." 

Immediately opposite their house on the east was a 
range of low hills covered with bunch grass. It was 
this grass which gave the name, " Waiilatpu," the 
place of the rye grass. Within a few years, in addi- 
tion to the first house which was of logs, Whitman 
had built upon the northwest corner of the place the 
main building of adobe, 18 x 62 feet, with an exten- 
sion 18 x 70 feet; in the rear of it a blacksmith shop; 
and next the river on the southeast corner of his en- 
closure was located a large flour mill. 

It is almost impossible to conceive the amount of 
work that he and his associates had done. A good 
description of this is furnished by Mr. Thomas J. 
Farnham, who visited Whitman's station in the fall of 
1839. At that time Whitman had enclosed two hun- 



108 MARCUS WHITMAN 

dred and fifty or three hundred acres of land and had 
two hundred acres under good cultivation. He had 
that year crops of good quality and abundant, includ- 
ing wheat, Indian corn, potatoes, beets, carrots, 
onions, turnips, asparagus, rutabagas, beans, pump- 
kins, watermelons, muskmelons, squashes, tomatoes, 
cucumbers, and peas. Seeds were supplied to all In- 
dians who would plant and cultivate. He had the 
gristmill and two other buildings erected, and a fourth 
in process of erection. Mr. Farnham says : 

11 It appeared to me quite remarkable that the Doctor 
could have made so many improvements since the year 1836; 
but the industry which crowded every hour of the day, his 
untiring energy of character and the very efficient aid of his 
wife in relieving him in a great degree from the labors of 
the school, are perhaps circumstances which render possi- 
bility probable, that in three years one man, without funds 
for such purposes, without other aid for that business than 
that of a fellow-missionary for short intervals, should fence, 
plow, build, plant an orchard, and do all the other laborious 
acts of opening a plantation on the face of that distant 
wilderness, learn the Indian language, and do the duties, 
meanwhile, of a physician to the associate stations on the 
Clearwater and the Spokane." ] 

Mr. Farnham also states that Mrs. Whitman was an 
indefatigable instructor, and at that time had a school 
containing about fifty Indian children. As years 
passed on, many obstacles were encountered, but 
amidst all discouragements the missionaries remained 
at their posts and prosecuted the work with vigor. 

A member of Commodore Wilkes's exploring ex- 
pedition in 1 841 made this report of the mission: 

" All the premises looked comfortable, the garden 

1 See Thos. J. Farnham, Travels across the Great Western Prairies, 
the Anahuac and Rocky Mountains. 






THE WORK OF THE MISSIONARIES 109 

especially fine, vegetables and melons in great variety. 
The wheat in the fields was seven feet high and nearly 
ripe, and the corn nine feet in the tassel." 
He marks the drawbacks of the mission thus : 
" The roving of the Indians, rarely staying at home 
more than three months at a time. They are off after 
buffalo, and again off after the salmon, and not more 
than fifty or sixty remain during the winter." 1 

In 1839 a g reat sorrow came to the Whitman family. 
Their only child, a little girl about two years and 
three months old, was drowned in the river. It was 
the only child that came to Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, 
and was the first white child born in that country. It 
was towards night when Mrs. Whitman missed her 
little girl. In their search for her, they found two 
little tin cups at the edge of the river near the house 
where they obtained their water. An old Indian dived 
in and soon brought out the body. Dr. Whitman was 
away from home. Mrs. Whitman wrote in her diary : 

" I cannot describe what our feelings were when night 
came and our dear child a corpse in the next room. We 
went to bed, but not to sleep, for sleep had departed from 
our eyes. The morning came, we arose, but our child slept 
on. I prepared a shroud for her during the day; we kept 
her four days; it was a great blessing and comfort to me so 
long as she looked natural and was so sweet I could caress 
her. But when her visage began to change I felt it a great 
privilege that I could put her in so safe a resting-place as 
the grave, to see her no more until the resurrection morning. 

" Although her grave is in sight every time I step out of 
the door, my thoughts seldom wander there to find her. I 
look above with unspeakable delight, and contemplate her 
as enjoying the full delights of that bright world where her 
joys are perfect." 2 

1 Nixon, Marcus Whitman. 2 Ibid. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE CONDITIONS IN 1842 

IN the winter of 1842-43, Dr. Whitman made his 
famous overland journey from Oregon to the 
States. He went to Washington and conferred with 
the President, members of the Cabinet, and members 
of Congress ; he went to Boston and interviewed the sec- 
retaries and the Prudential Committee of the American 
Board ; and he was back on the frontier early in May, 
and helped organize and move forward a large emigra- 
tion, comprising eight hundred or more men, women, 
and children, who went to Oregon as permanent set- 
tlers. As a result of this emigration Oregon was 
made sure to the United States. 

These facts are clearly proved. The great question 
that concerns us now is how much had Dr. Whitman 
to do with bringing about this result. On the one 
hand, it has been claimed that he foresaw the condi- 
tions, and became satisfied that the Oregon region 
would be lost to the United States unless American 
settlers could be brought over in such numbers as 
clearly to outvote the Hudson's Bay people and other 
British subjects; that with this object in view, he left 
his mission work and made his perilous journey across 
the continent with the sole purpose of carrying over 
this emigration. 

no 



THE CONDITIONS IN 1842 in 

On the other hand, it has been asserted that Whit- 
man had nothing — or, if anything, very little — to do 
with this emigration. That he came across the country 
is admitted ; that he went to Washington has been de- 
nied. Those holding this view say that the existence 
of Whitman's mission station was in jeopardy, and that 
he made the trip east and went to Boston to interview 
the American Board in order to induce them to retain 
his mission station as it was. It is claimed that this 
was the sole object of his journey ; that upon arriving 
on the frontier in the spring of 1843 ne availed him- 
self of the opportunity to return to Oregon under the 
escort of this great emigration ; that the emigrants 
were of service to him rather than that he aided them. 

Here are two conflicting views of this subject. 
Many statements have been made by each party 
which are either entirely overdrawn or absolutely un- 
true. Three persons on the Pacific coast have placed 
themselves emphatically on record against the belief 
that Dr. Whitman's journey east was taken with 
political intention. They are Hon. Elwood Evans of 
Tacoma, Judge Deady of Portland, and Mrs. F. F. 
Victor. It appears that Judge Deady never studied 
the subject historically, and his opinions were framed 
merely from evidence that came before him in a law- 
suit about property at Vancouver. In a long conver- 
sation with the present writer, he disclaimed any 
critical knowledge of the merits of the case, and ad- 
vised a consultation with Mr. Evans. 

Mrs. F. F. Victor has said that " the winter journey 
of Dr. Marcus Whitman in 1842-43 had no influence 
whatever upon the adjustment of the territorial claims 
of Great Britain and the United States to any part 
of the Oregon territory." 



ii2 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Hon. Elwood Evans has made the following asser- 
tions : 

" First, Dr. Whitman's winter journey in 1842-43 had no 
political intent or significance whatever. 

" Second, no feeling as to the Oregon boundary con- 
troversy, or desire or wish to defeat British claims to the 
territory or any part of it had any influence in actuating 
such journey. 

" Third, his exclusive purpose was to secure the re- 
scinding by the American Board of Foreign Missions of the 
order of 1841 [1842 ?] to abandon the southern stations of 
Waiilatpu and Lapwai. 

" Fourth, there is no evidence that he visited Washington 
City during the spring of 1843. 

11 Fifth, that he in any manner whatever or in the remotest 
degree stimulated the ' great immigration of 1843,' is as 
untenable as the political claim we have been discussing. 
Nor would it be referred to, but for the connection that 
American occupancy of the territory had in hastening the 
settlement of the Oregon controversy. Dr. Whitman left 
Oregon in October, 1842, and he only reached St. Louis in 
March, 1843. No opportunity had ever occurred for meet- 
ing parties who could be influenced to go to Oregon. In 
those early days the Oregon immigration had to arrange in 
the fall of the preceding year for the next year's great 
journey. Dr. Whitman's connection with that immigration 
commenced with the crossing of the North Platte River in 
June, where he overtook the train. He accompanied it and 
rendered valuable service as a physician and as an experi- 
enced traveler. Escorted by it to Oregon, though in no 
respect whatever a factor in its formation or progress, per- 
haps his presence contributed greatly to its successful trans- 
continental march." ' 

The discussion on the Pacific coast between the 
years 1880 and 1890 was extensive. Pamphlets were 
published on both sides of the question, and newspaper 
articles were numerous, especially in The Oregonian, 
the Walla Walla Watchman, the Walla Walla Union, 

1 From The Oregonian, December 25, 1884. 



THE CONDITIONS IN 1842 113 

and the Eastern Oregonian. Many writers took part 
in this controversy. To an impartial reader of these 
prolonged discussions it would seem that the friends 
of Whitman had decidedly the best of the argument, 
and that public opinion throughout the country was 
settling down to the belief that Whitman's heroic ride 
was productive of great good to this country, and that 
it had a marked influence in behalf of Oregon. 

In the American Historical Review \ January, 1901, 
appeared an article by Professor Edward G. Bourne, 
of Yale University, denying the generally accepted 
theory and to a great extent agreeing with Mr. Evans 
and the other writers just mentioned. In this article 
Mr. Bourne says : 

" Although many others have testified in recent 
years to the truth of the Spalding narrative, not a 
particle of contemporary evidence has ever been ad- 
vanced in its support." 

Again he says: " Of Whitman's presence in Wash- 
ington I have been able to find not a trace of local 
contemporary evidence. . . . Every account that 
has been published of Whitman's interviews with 
Tyler and Webster, except this of Lovejoy's, is en- 
tirely fictitious. . . . That Whitman influenced 
American diplomacy in any way is not only destitute 
of evidence, but is intrinsically improbable. The 
belief that he did so originated with Spalding." 

Professor Bourne strangely accepts, apparently 
without any reserve, the account given by Mrs. Victor 
in H. H. Bancroft's history of Oregon, and says : 

" Every student of Oregon history is under obliga- 
tion to her for her scholarly and honest presentation 
of the facts derived from the unparalleled collection of 
materials gathered by Mr. Bancroft. ... I have 



ii4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

nowhere found a reference to his presence in Wash- 
ington outside of the Spalding narrative and its de- 
rivatives, nor is there any evidence that he ever had 
any communication with the Washington authorities 
on the Oregon question." 

Again, Professor Bourne goes out of his way to 
express the opinion : " Extraordinary efforts have 
been made in good faith to disseminate the story of 
Marcus Whitman in order to raise money for a suit- 
able memorial, and especially for Whitman College." 
These numerous short quotations will serve to show 
the position taken by Professor Bourne. 

On the other hand, some writers have treated the 
matter as though Whitman's sole purpose was to secure 
Oregon to the United States, and as though he had no 
other objects in view in making the journey. The 
friends of Whitman have also made some mistakes in 
their statement of facts. For example, Mr. Spalding 
represents Daniel Webster as intending to trade off 
Oregon " with Governor Simpson, to go into the Ash- 
burton treaty, for a cod fishery on Newfoundland." 
Of course Webster had no dealings with Simpson as to 
the Ashburton treaty, and, moreover, that treaty had 
been concluded, signed, proclaimed, and had gone 
into effect before Whitman started from Oregon. 

Whatever Dr. Whitman's intentions may have been 
in making that journey and whatever he had to do 
with carrying over the emigration, it is certainly true 
that various other circumstances conspired to bring 
about the great emigration of 1843. It should be the 
aim of the impartial historian to examine all sides of a 
disputed question, to sift all statements, to examine 
all theories, to go, as far as possible, to the original 
sources for his facts, and, free from bias or prejudice, 



THE CONDITIONS IN 1842 115 

to state only that which appears to be thoroughly cor- 
roborated as truth. 

With such intentions, let us examine carefully the 
evidences of Whitman's heroic journey on horseback 
across the continent in winter and endeavor to ascer- 
tain the exact truth concerning his purpose and the 
result of that journey. 

In the first place we will note the conditions of the 
mission. The Oregon mission comprised three prin- 
cipal stations. One was at Tshimakain, where were lo- 
cated Mr. Walker and Mr. Eells, with their families ; the 
second was Spalding's station at Lapwai on the Clear- 
water River; and the third was Whitman's station at 
Waiilatpu on the Walla Walla River. With Dr. Whit- 
man at his station had been, during a part of the time, 
Mr. Gray, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Rogers. Mr. Smith had 
established a new station among the Nez Perces at Ka- 
miah. Such was the personnel of the several stations. 

During the years 1840, 1841, and up to June, 1842, 
there existed considerable difference of opinion on 
various matters pertaining to the management of the 
missionary work and on questions of a personal char- 
acter. The missionaries were all independent men; 
each had his own thoughts, views, and opinions. 
They were far away from civilized communities. 
Many questions naturally arose in regard to which 
they were inclined to entertain positive and divergent 
views. How much preaching should be done; to 
what extent should the educational work be carried 
on ; should Whitman set up a gristmill at Waiilatpu ; 
was it necessary for Spalding to have a gristmill and a 
sawmill at Lapwai ; to what extent should the Indians 
be taught English ; these are only a few of the ques- 
tions which would naturally arise. 



n6 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Moreover, some men are by nature sweet-tempered, 
obliging, kindly ; others can with difficulty avoid pos- 
itiveness, and a dogmatic manner; and even among 
missionaries we must expect that sometimes a little 
selfishness will appear. It can hardly be supposed, 
therefore, that all those streams of human life ran 
smoothly and quietly. Friction would arise now 
and then between some of these workers. There is 
abundant evidence that Mr. Spalding, though a good 
man, strongly religious in temperament, earnestly de- 
voted to his work, and never sparing himself but doing 
all in his power for the uplifting of his Indians, fre- 
quently manifested traits of character and positive 
opinions and actions quite uncomfortable to his 
brethren. Gray was a very positive man, resolute, 
earnest, whole-souled, impulsive. Rogers and Smith, 
not in the best of health, found frequent causes of 
complaint. From a careful examination of the docu- 
mentary evidence in the case it clearly appears that 
Whitman, Eells, and Walker were good-natured, 
kindly in disposition, generous to their friends and co- 
workers, everywhere and at all times endeavoring to 
promote harmony in the work. 

The correspondence between these several mission- 
aries and the secretaries of the American Board shows 
that about 1841 the difference of views and the friction 
between the missionaries had apparently reached a 
climax. Letters to the missionaries from the corre- 
sponding secretary of the Board, dated November 2, 
1840, and March 8, 1841, brought the subject officially 
before the missionaries themselves. The replies from 
the missionaries to the Board still showed a divergence 
of views. 

Other conditions of the mission demanded the at- 



THE CONDITIONS IN 1842 117 

tention of the Prudential Committee of the Board. 
Roman Catholic influences from the Hudson's Bay 
Company's stations threatened seriously to embarrass 
the work of the missionaries. At that time Dr. John 
McLoughlin was in charge of the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany's operations at old Fort Walla Walla. The 
Jesuit priests from this station carried on their mis- 
sionary work over a considerable extent of country, 
including Waiilatpu and Lapwai. These influences, 
in the opinion of the Prudential Committee, threat- 
ened the success of their southern mission stations. 
The Committee in Boston, at arm's length from the 
missionaries and their work, very likely magnifying 
some things and not understanding others, determined 
on heroic treatment, which under all the circumstances 
seemed to them necessary. 

On February 15, 1842, the Prudential Committee of 
the Board " resolved to discontinue the southern 
branch of the Oregon mission, and the secretary for 
the Indian correspondence received instructions as to 
the manner of writing to Dr. Whitman and Mr. Rogers 
of that mission." A few days later, on February 23d, 
documents relating to the Oregon mission having been 
read, a resolution was passed, as follows: 

" Resolved that the Rev. Henry H. Spalding be re- 
called, with instructions to return by the first direct and 
suitable opportunity; that Mr. William H. Gray be advised 
to return home, and also the Rev. Asa B. Smith, on ac- 
count of the illness of his wife; that Dr. Marcus Whitman 
and Mr. Cornelius Rogers be designated to the northern 
branch of the mission; and that the two last named be 
authorized to dispose of the mission property in the southern 
branch of the mission." 

To return to the mission : — the annual meeting of 
the Oregon missionaries was held in May, extending 



n8 MARCUS WHITMAN 

over a period of twenty days or more until the 8th of 
June. At this meeting all the missionaries were 
present. They had before them the two letters from 
Secretary Greene of the Board, dated November 2, 
1840, and March 8, 1841. They discussed kindly the 
entire situation, particularly their relations to each 
other. Each member of the mission spoke freely and 
fully of the difficulties by which they were surrounded, 
and each one, if he had any, stated his personal griev- 
ances and complaints. In a brotherly, Christian way, 
with much prayer to the Heavenly Father for wisdom 
and grace, these brethren freely, frankly, and fully 
conferred together. If one seemed to be in any way 
at fault, that fault was pointed out to him, and he 
acknowledged it. 

Thus these brethren came to see alike, and their 
differences melted away. Christian love and a new 
interest in the work in which they were engaged took 
the place of suspicion and fault-finding. From that 
time onward their relations to each other were cordial 
and agreeable, quite different from what had been the 
case between certain members of the mission during 
the previous year or two. 

At this meeting the missionaries prepared a letter 
to the Board, in which they communicated their views 
of the conditions and prospects of the mission, stat- 
ing that their difficulties had all been settled, and 
that they now anticipated better success than hereto- 
fore. This letter was signed by the committee and 
sent by messenger down to the coast, where it waited 
until a vessel bound for the Atlantic appeared. The 
first vessel to arrive was a whaler from Warren, Rhode 
Island, bound homeward. The letter was carried 
around Cape Horn, and mailed at Warren, March 19th, 



THE CONDITIONS IN 1842 119 

and was received at the mission rooms in Boston the 
next day, the 20th of March, 1843. This incident 
illustrates the difficulties of carrying on correspondence 
at that period between Oregon and the States. 

The success of the mission at this time is well 
summed up in the following extract : 

" After several exploring expeditions among the Indians 
west of the Rocky Mountains, the Board entered upon a 
mission there in the autumn of 1836. Their attention was 
directed to three tribes, embracing the Cayuses, among 
whom was the Waiilatpu station; the Nez Perces, among 
whom were the Clearwater and Kamiah stations; and the 
Flatheads, in whose neighborhood was the Tshimakain 
station. These stations were provided with suitable labor- 
ers, so that in 1840 the whole force consisted of four mis- 
sionaries, one physician, two male and six female assistants. 
They were not only kindly received, but the Indians showed 
the utmost eagerness to receive instruction; and other 
tribes, hearing that teachers had come into the country, 
sent pressing messages requesting that one or more might 
be sent to dwell among them. 

" The three tribes above named were anxious also to 
engage in agriculture, and hundreds of families settled near 
the mission stations and cultivated the ground so assidu- 
ously that in a little time they had produced enough for 
their comfortable subsistence. Their desire for religious 
instruction exceeded anything ever before met with among 
the North American Indians. 'Among the Nez Perces,' 
says the report for 1840, ' the congregation had increased 
from such a number as could be accommodated in a school- 
house, to between one and two thousand, many coming 
from the adjacent bands. All seemed eager for religious 
instruction, and it was believed that the Spirit of the Lord 
was working on the hearts of many. As many as two 
thousand made a public confession of sin, and promised to 
serve God. Doubtless many did this with a very imperfect 
idea of what was involved in it, though not a few were 
thought to give evidence of saving conversion.' A similar 
religious interest was manifested among the Cayuses. 

" About this time the mission received, as a donation 
from the Sandwich Island churches, a small printing press, 



i2o MARCUS WHITMAN 

with the requisite type and furniture, with paper, etc., all 
estimated at about $450. From the same source they re- 
ceived, the year before, $80 in money and ten bushels of 
salt. The press was immediately set up at Clearwater, and 
employed to print an elementary schoolbook of twenty 
pages. The Indians were highly gratified with a book in 
their own language, and new interest was found to be im- 
parted to the schools. In 1841 a second book was pre- 
pared and printed in the Nez Perce language, and 800 
copies printed, making 41,600 pages. A sawmill and grist- 
mill were also put in operation at Clearwater, and a grain 
mill at Waiilatpu, all of which afforded valuable aid to the 
mission families and encouraged a settled life among the 
Indians. 

" For three or four succeeding years the mission was at- 
tended with great apparent success, not, however, without 
some serious defections among the Indians, and at times 
abusive treatment from the younger and more savage por- 
tion of the tribes." ' 

1 Newcomb, Cyclopedia of Missions. 



CHAPTER X 

THE MISSIONARIES DISCUSS THE SITUATION 

IN September, 1842, Dr. Whitman sent messengers 
to the other stations asking all the missionaries to 
attend a meeting of the mission to be held at his 
station, September 26th. It is necessary for us just 
here to consider carefully the combination of circum- 
stances which occasioned this meeting. Some writers 
claim that the meeting was called solely on account of 
the orders which had been received from Boston, — that 
is, the votes passed by the Prudential Committee in 
February previous, directing them to discontinue the 
two southern stations and calling home Spalding and 
Gray. The friends of Whitman in some of their ac- 
counts of the meeting have ignored these orders and 
have asserted that Whitman's sole purpose was a pol- 
itical and patriotic one. A careful examination of the 
facts will be found necessary to determine the truth of 
the matter. 

Such an examination shows very clearly that Whit- 
man had two purposes. The one was well known 
to his missionary brethren, that is, the affairs of the 
mission. The other purpose sprang from his own 
thought and reasoning about the proceedings of the 
Hudson's Bay Company, and related to the per- 
manent occupancy and control of the country. It is 
natural that the memory of Spalding, Eells, and Gray 

*2I 



122 MARCUS WHITMAN 

after the lapse of many years should be fallible in 
respect to certain details, but it is scarcely possible 
that they would utterly forget the essential and most 
important facts of the case and substitute a myth. 
These three men differed exceedingly from one an- 
other, and their interests were not alike. They all, 
however, agree as to this meeting of the missionaries. 

Dr. Eells says that Mr. McDonald in 1842 gave it as 
his " opinion that if England should obtain the desired 
portion of Oregon (then including Washington Terri- 
tory) it would be made over to the Hudson's Bay 
Company." Father Eells further says "the same gen- 
tleman asked me who, fifty years hence, would prob- 
ably compose the inhabitants of this country. He 
answered the question himself by saying substantially, 
' the descendants of the Hudson's Bay Company.' ' 
Dr. Whitman said in reference to the same class of 
persons: " Fifty years hence they will not be found." 
Dr. Whitman understood, with a fair degree of cor- 
rectness apparently, that it was the plan of the Hudson's 
Bay Company to secure this country to the English 
Government. He felt strongly in reference to this 
subject. At the time his missionary associates judged 
that he was disturbed to an unwarrantable degree; 
but the result has furnished cumulative evidence that 
there was sufficient reason for determined earnestness 
on his part. 

In a letter written May 12, 1842, Dr. Whitman said: 
" There will probably be a large party of emigrants 
coming to this country in the spring of 1843. Some 
young men are now returning with the expectation of 
bringing out a party next spring." 

Mrs. Whitman, in writing to her husband after he 
Started for the east, October 22, 1842, showed what she 



MISSIONARIES DISCUSS THE SITUATION 123 

understood to be the object of his journey by the fol- 
lowing: " Indeed, much as I shall and do want to see 
you, I prefer that you stay just as long as it is necessary 
to accomplish all your heart's desire respecting the in- 
terest of this country, so dear to us both — our home." 
Dr. Eells, Whitman's colaborer, has given his testi- 
mony as follows : 

" An unyielding purpose was formed by Dr. Whitman to 
go east. The mission was called together to consider 
whether or not its approval could be given to the proposed 
undertaking. Mr. Walker and myself were decidedly op- 
posed, and we yielded only when it became evident that he 
would go, even if he had to become disconnected from the 
mission in order to do so. According to the understand- 
ing of the members of the mission, the single object of 
Dr. Whitman in attempting to cross the continent in the 
winter of 1842-43, amid mighty peril and suffering, was to 
make a desperate effort to save this country to the United 
States. 

'* On reaching Washington he learned that representa- 
tions had been made there corresponding to those which 
had been often repeated on this coast. ' Oregon,' it was 
said, ' would most likely be unimportant to the United 
States. It was difficult of access. A wagon road thither 
was an impossibility.' By such statements Governor 
Simpson (the territorial governor of the Hudson's Bay 
Company) had well-nigh succeeded in accomplishing his 
object of purchasing this country, not for a mess of pottage, 
but a cod fishery.' Dr. Whitman was barely able to ob- 
tain from President Tyler the promise that negotiations 
should be suspended. 

" His next object was to expose the falsity of the state- 
ment that the Rocky and Blue Mountains could not be 
passed by immigrant wagons. It soon became known, to 
some extent, that Dr. Whitman would accompany those 
who would attempt to go to the Columbia that season in 
this manner. The fact induced numbers to decide to go, 
who would not otherwise have done so. If I judge cor- 
rectly, the testimony has been unvarying and abundant 
that the success of the expedition depended upon the 
knowledge, skill, energy, and perseverance of Dr. Whitman. 



i2 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Extravagant language has been used, expressive of the 
confidence of the emigrants of 1843 in his ability to con- 
duct them successfully through difficulties which, in the 
estimation of many, were regarded as utter impossibilities. 
The fording of the Platte with such a train was an untried 
and in some respects a perilous undertaking; and yet it was 
signally successful. 

" In 1839 Rev. J. S. Griffin and his missionary associates 
traveled from the western frontier to Fort Hall with wagons. 
They were there told by agents of the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany that it was impracticable, if not impossible, to take 
their wagons to Walla Walla. Consequently teams and 
wagons were exchanged for pack animals and fixtures. In 
1840 Rev. H. Clarke and other missionary laborers per- 
formed the same journey in like manner. At Fort Hall 
they were induced to leave their wagons. In 1843 this 
game was tried again, and at the opportune moment when 
Dr. Whitman was absent from camp. On his return he 
found some weeping, others much disturbed. He at once 
comprehended the plot, and then and there is said to have 
addressed them as follows: ' My countrymen, you have 
trusted me thus far; believe me now, and I will take your 
wagons to the Columbia River.' 

" I may not be able to furnish evidence entirely satis- 
factory to others, but in view of all the past relating to this 
subject, of which I have been an eye and ear witness since 
August, 1838, I am prepared to say that to my mind there 
is not the shadow of a doubt that Dr. Whitman, by his 
efforts with President Tyler and Secretary Webster in 1843, 
and his agency during the same year in conducting an im- 
migrant train from the western frontier to the Columbia 
River, was instrumental in saving a valuable portion of the 
Northwest to the United States. Am I extravagant in 
adding that the importance of this service to our country 
will not likely be overestimated ? When the iron track of 
the Northern Pacific Railroad shall have the two oceans 
for its. termini, and the commerce of the world shall move 
over the most direct route, and when the latent resources 
of this vast region shall have been fully developed, there 
will be a theme worthy of the best endeavors of the states- 
man and the orator." 2 

1 Dr. C. Eells in the Missionary Herald, December, 1866, pp. 371, 
372. 



MISSIONARIES DISCUSS THE SITUATION 125 

Dr. Eells was a remarkably candid, cautious, and 
conscientious man. He would not knowingly prevari- 
cate or deviate from the truth in the slightest degree. 
Walker, Gray, and Spalding throughout their lives 
gave substantially the same evidence as that given by 
Dr. Eells. 

There is abundant evidence that Whitman had been 
for some time observing the trend of political affairs in 
Oregon. He had observed that members of the Hud- 
son's Bay Company held tenaciously to their stock and 
were unwilling to sell. They were retiring their ser- 
vants upon farms, and those men would make voters. 
Year after year a band of greater or smaller numbers 
came over the mountains from the Red River country. 
It was clearly manifest that the policy of the Company 
was to secure a majority of voters, establish a provi- 
sional government, appeal to Great Britain for pro- 
tection, and hold the country themselves for the fur 
trade with the Indians. They did not wish these 
Indians to be civilized and Christianized, for that 
would interfere with their trade. Consequently they 
did not wish the Americans to settle that country. 
They found fault with Dr. John McLoughlin, their 
agent at Fort Vancouver, a man of strong mind and 
generous impulses, because he assisted the Americans 
when they were suffering for food. Gray says : 

" The governing power of the Hudson's Bay Company 
would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve the 
immigrants and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. 
. . . The Company's managing and controlling office in 
London did finally call him to an account for thus furnish- 
ing supplies as already stated and for reasons indicated. 
He represented to them the circumstances under which he 
had furnished these supplies, alleging that as a man of com- 
mon humanity it was not possible for him to do otherwise 



/ 



126 MARCUS WHITMAN 

than as he did ; that he foresaw as clearly as they did that 
it aided in the American settlement of the country, but that 
this he could not help and it was not for him but for God 
and the government to look after and take care of the con- 
sequences. He concluded by saying to the Company: 
1 Gentlemen, if such is your order I will serve you no 
longer.' And from that day Oregon secured a warm and 
faithful friend in that old white-headed man." ' 

Now let us examine the immediate occasion of 
Whitman's overland journey. He called a meeting 
of the missionaries for September 26, 1842, at his 
station, Waiilatpu. The missionaries were all present. 
It should be remembered that Walker and Eells were 
perhaps one hundred and fifty miles from Whitman's 
station. They left home on Wednesday, expecting to 
finish their journey Saturday night, but the end of the 
week found them at the Touchet River, where they 
encamped over the Sabbath. On Monday they 
reached Waiilatpu, where they found Whitman, Gray, 
and Spalding. 

It has been denied that any such meeting was 
held. It would seem that the writers who discredit 
the influence of Whitman in saving Oregon have re- 
sorted to strange freaks of unbelief, apparently being 
sometimes unwilling to believe anything favorable to 
Whitman, no matter how strong the evidence is to 
support it. Long arguments have been made to show 
that no such meeting could have been held ; yet Gray, 
who was present, gives an account of the meeting, 
Eells has repeatedly described the meeting and the 
action taken, and Spalding has done the same. Still 
a few persons who have written upon this subject 
refuse to believe anything these missionaries say un- 
less it favors their side. 

1 Gray, Oregon, pp. 318, 319. 



MISSIONARIES DISCUSS THE SITUATION 127 

It has also been asserted that if such a meeting was 
held, Gray was not there, because in the preceding 
spring he had withdrawn from the mission and taken 
up his residence with his family in the Willamette 
Valley. On this point Mr. Gray himself has said : 

" W. H. Gray did not go to the Willamette (as Frost and 
Lee write it) until about September 1, 1842. He returned 
to the Whitman station for his family on the 21st of Septem- 
ber, 1 842. He was not ready to leave the Whitman station till 
about the 15th of October. I do not like to call Hon. Mr. 
Evans's statement false, but I will admit he is mistaken in 
date, by not having read Gray's circular controversy with 
Mrs. Victor. In May, 1842, Gray was not in the Willa- 
mette Valley, and it is certain that he was at the Whitman 
station in June of that year, and a member of that mission, 
and at that meeting was honorably permitted to leave its 
services and go where he pleased with his family. Does 
the Hon. Elwood Evans call his statement the truth ? 
Gray was also at the station at the time of the called meet- 
ing [in September] after his return from the Willamette 
Valley. The starting of Dr. Whitman at the time he did, 
to go to the States, caused a delay in his (Gray's) arrange- 
ments to go to the Willamette Valley." 1 

Father Eells himself gave to the writer personally 
a full account of this meeting. He told of their 
encampment on the Touchet over Sunday; of their 
discussions at the meeting; of the final vote which 
they passed, approving of Dr. Whitman's proposed 
journey to the States. He said that Whitman laid 
before them the plan and designs of the Hudson's Bay 
Company, telling them how much he should regret 
to see the country fall into the hands of the Com- 
pany, as that would mean British sovereignty and the 
dominating influence of Catholic priests. He said 
that Spalding favored Whitman's application to go 

1 From the Portland Oregonian, February 1, 1885. 



128 MARCUS WHITMAN 

east; himself and Walker opposed it. His remem- 
brance of the matter seemed perfectly clear. He told 
particularly how Whitman replied to their objections. 

They had said substantially: " Brother Whitman, 
we think you had better attend to your missionary 
duties and let politics alone." Upon that Whitman 
arose from his seat, faced the brethren, and said: " I 
was a man before I became a missionary, and when I 
became a missionary I did not expatriate myself. 
I shall go to the States if I have to sever my connec- 
tion with the mission." Such a proposition could not 
be entertained by the brethren for a moment, and 
they consented. When Father Eells told this story 
he repeated the gestures which he said Whitman made 
as he pronounced the words quoted. As he said, 
" I was a man," he brought up his closed hands in 
front of him and forcibly dropped them at the word 
"man"; and as he continued, "when I became a 
missionary I did not expatriate myself," his hands 
were brought up in the same way and forcibly dropped 
on the word " expatriate." His mind was made up 
and nothing could turn it. 

Would it not seem clear from this that the leading 
thought in Whitman's mind was not the retention of 
his station, but the saving of Oregon to the United 
States ? Without doubt he intended also to go to 
Boston and interview the American Board, as he did. 

Dr. Eells forty years afterward wrote out an account 
of this meeting and made oath to its truthfulness. In 
this account Dr. Eells says : 

" The idea of his withdrawal could not be entertained. 
Therefore to retain him in the mission, a vote to approve of 
his making the perilous endeavor prevailed. He had a 
cherished object for the accomplishment of which he de- 



MISSIONARIES DISCUSS THE SITUATION 129 

sired consultation with the Rev. David Greene, Secretary 
of Correspondence at the mission house in Boston, Massa- 
chusetts, but I have no recollection that it was named in 
the meeting. A part of two days was spent in consultation. 
Record of date and acts of the meeting was made. The 
book containing the same was in the keeping of the Whit- 
man family. At the time of their massacre, November 29, 
1847, it disappeared." 

It is hardly to be supposed that his memory of details 
could be entirely trusted concerning what happened 
forty years before this affidavit was made. One can 
scarcely imagine that this meeting was held for two 
days without discussing the peculiar conditions at that 
time surrounding the missionary affairs; but Dr. Eells 
says, " I have no recollection that it was named." 
This affidavit of Dr. Eells clearly shows what he did 
remember. He remembered that which at the time 
seemed to be the prevailing sentiment, the great thing, 
the principal object of the meeting. He may have 
forgotten what was said concerning the local affairs of 
the mission, but he never forgot the discussion of Dr. 
Whitman's proposed journey or his emphatic state- 
ment and equally vigorous gesture which emphasized 
his determination to go east to save Oregon to the 
United States. 

On the very day that Whitman started upon his 
perilous journey, Father Eells wrote a letter, which is 
now on file in the archives of the American Board at 
Boston, from which the following is quoted. In refer- 
ence to the orders of the Prudential Committee to close 
the southern branch of the mission he said : 

" With this view of the case you will see why we were so 
unwilling to abandon the south branch, for as it seemed to 
us by giving up that we were giving up the whole mission. 
Notwithstanding we thought that the object of your letter 



i 3 o MARCUS WHITMAN 

had been accomplished by the reconciliation which had 
taken place, still we felt ourselves placed in a trying situa- 
tion. We hardly knew what course to pursue, but concluded 
to wait until we could receive an answer to the committee of 
the mission stating that the difficulties of the mission were 
settled. We found too that there was a difficulty in sustaining 
the mission, as so many had withdrawn and as the reinforce- 
ment had stopped at the islands. 1 After considerable con- 
sultation without coming to any definite conclusion, and as 
we were about starting for our place, a proposition was 
made by Dr. Whitman for him to return to the States this 
winter and confer with the Prudential Committee, and con- 
duct a reinforcement out next summer if it was thought best 
to continue the mission. At least something definite could 
be decided upon. The proposition being presented just as 
we were on the eve of leaving, we felt at first that we could 
not then give a decided answer to it. We wanted time to 
think and pray over it and proposed to return and send in 
writing our conclusion. But we were told that there was no 
time to be lost, that we must decide it now or it would be 
too late. After some more consultation we stated that if 
the station could be put in a situation which would render 
it safe to be left and other proper arrangements could be 
made, we would consent to Dr. Whitman's going to the 
States. We do not approve of the hasty manner in which 
this question was decided. Nothing, it seemed to us, but 
stern necessity induced us to decide in the manner we did. 
It seemed death to put the proposition in force and worse 
than death to remain as we were. I have no doubt that if 
his plan succeeds, it will be one of great good to the mis- 
sion and country. It is to be expected that a Romish in- 
fluence will come in, and being under the control of the 
priests it will be scattered through the country wherever 
there are Indians and near the stations of the mission. To 
meet this influence a few religious settlers around a station 
would be invaluable." . . . 

(Signed) " Cushing Eells." 2 

1 This refers to missionaries who had been sent out by the Board with 
the supposition that they would reinforce the Oregon mission, but who 
had stopped for service at the Sandwich Islands. 

2 Taken from the archives of the A. B. C. F. M., Boston. 



CHAPTER XI 

THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 

DR. WHITMAN came to Boston and held inter- 
views with the secretaries and the Prudential 
Committee of the Board. He so represented the 
affairs of the mission that they took positive and de- 
cided action in favor of the mission, — which action they 
had less than ten days before his arrival refused to take, 
— and that action was all that Dr. Whitman wished. 
The correspondence of Whitman, his coworkers, and 
others, before the journey, before his return to Oregon, 
and subsequently, together with the action and sub- 
sequent statements of the Board, all go to show that 
one reason for this memorable journey was to place 
the affairs of the Oregon mission properly before the 
Board and to secure, if possible, positive and imme- 
diate action for the good of the mission, — which action 
was fully secured. But if this was the only motive 
for that hazardous journey, why should he not have 
waited until spring ? It seems quite clear that a sum- 
mer trip across the continent would have accomplished 
that end just as well. 

On the other hand, it is at least equally clear, and 
perhaps more strongly fortified by the evidence, that in 
his own mind the impelling purpose for which Whitman 
came to the States was not to secure this action of the 
Board. In order to judge correctly concerning the 

131 



i 3 2 MARCUS WHITMAN 

motives which influenced this journey we must study 
carefully many circumstances connected with the case. 
Such a multitude of facts is at hand, such an accu- 
mulation of evidence from a great number of reputable 
persons, as to show beyond a doubt that the main pur- 
pose in Dr. Whitman's mind was of a political nature. 
He was determined to make a strong endeavor to in- 
duce our national government not to give up Oregon 
to the British ; and, in order to make the country safe 
to the United States, he intended to assist so far as he 
could in bringing over an immigration which should give 
the majority of resident voters to the American party. 
Up to this time no successful effort had been made 
by either the British or the Americans to put in opera- 
tion a provisional government. Conditions, however, 
plainly indicated to the parties on the ground that 
such an effort could not much longer be deferred. 
Indeed, while Dr. Whitman was away, the first effort 
in this direction was made. In the fall of 1842, just 
after Whitman started for the east, Mr. Gray moved 
his family to the Willamette Valley. On the 2d of 
February, 1843, notice having previously been given, 
a meeting was held at Gray's house for the purpose of 
taking action for protection against wild beasts. This 
gathering was called the " Wolf Meeting." It was 
fully attended, and a committee was appointed to 
call a public meeting, which was held at the house 
of Joseph Gervais, one of the committee, on the first 
Monday in March. At that meeting action was taken 
to prevent the ravages of wolves. Bounties were 
offered, and a committe of advice to call public meet- 
ings was appointed. After the business of the meeting 
was over, the settlers were addressed upon another 
subject. The address concluded as follows : 



THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 133 

" We have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and 
protect our cattle and domestic animals; now, fellow citi- 
zens, I submit and move the adoption of the two following 
resolutions, that we may have protection for our persons 
and lives as well as our cattle and herds : 

" Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into 
consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil 
and military protection of this colony. 

" Resolved, That the same committee consist of twelve 
persons." 

These two resolutions were unanimously adopted 
and the committee was named. They called a meeting 
to organize a provisional government at Champoeg on 
the 2d of May. At this meeting both parties were 
out in full force, and a test vote showed that there 
were present fifty-two Americans and fifty British and 
Hudson's Bay Company men. It was voted to choose 
officers and a committee of nine persons to draft a 
code of laws. 

The American party had triumphed, but the vote 
was so close and the two parties so evenly divided that 
it was considered politic to do as little as possible until 
further immigration should increase their numbers. 
After the important accession to their numbers from 
the great immigration of 1843, tn * s provisional govern- 
ment became active, put in operation a code of laws, 
and chose George Abernethy governor. He served for 
four years, or until the territorial governor appointed 
by the President arrived. The regular territorial gov- 
ernment began on the 3d of March, 1849. 

It would seem that before Dr. Whitman knew of the 
proposed action of the Board concerning the southern 
stations, he had made up his mind to go east that 
fall. It is apparent, also, that he said little about the 
object of his visit. Even after the missionaries had 



i 3 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

met at his place September 26th-28th, he was very reti- 
cent concerning the object of his proposed visit. It is 
probable, at least, that after the missionaries had re- 
turned to their homes, some time between September 
29th and October 3d, Dr. Whitman went over to old 
Fort Walla Walla. It is stated by various persons 
that he did so. It is reported that he went to see a 
patient, and very likely that is true. It is also stated 
that in conversation with Lovejoy and others of that 
party who had but lately arrived at his station from 
the States, he had learned that a treaty was about to 
be made concerning our northern boundaries, and hence 
he wished to make inquiries of Mr. McKinley of the 
Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Walla Walla to see 
whether he knew anything further concerning that 
matter. And is it not possible that Whitman's depar- 
ture may have been hastened by two days by what he 
heard there ? At any rate, it is not to be supposed 
for a moment that Dr. Whitman would give any infor- 
mation to the Hudson's Bay people that he intended 
to go to Washington to prevent our government from 
trading off Oregon, or that his object was to bring over 
an immigration. Such a course would not have been 
wise and it would not have been safe. The influence 
of the Catholic priests upon many of the Indians was 
well known, and the Indians were in many ways greatly 
dependent upon the Hudson's Bay people. It was 
certainly wise for Dr. Whitman to keep to himself his 
motives of a political nature. 

Mrs. Walker, the wife of the missionary, in a letter 
written in 1883, states the matter thus distinctly: 

11 Dr. Whitman went east in 1842 mainly to save the 
country from falling into the hands of the English, as he 
believed there was great danger of it. He had written Mr. 



THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 135 

Walker several times before about it. One expression I 
well remember he wrote, about as follows : ' This country- 
will soon be settled by the whites. It belongs to the Ameri- 
cans. It is a great and rich country. What a country this 
would be for Yankees ! Why not tell them of it ? ' " 

She further says emphatically that Whitman was de- 
termined to go east on this business, even if it should 
oblige him to leave the mission. She then proceeds 
to give this reason why he should not at that time say 
much about the political motives for his trip: 

" Much was said about that time about the Methodist 
missionaries coming here, and then leaving their legitimate 
missionary calling to make money and for other purposes, 
and some disgrace was brought on the missionary cause. 
Mr. Walker and associates felt that Dr. Whitman, in leav- 
ing missionary work and going on this business, was likely 
also to bring disgrace on the cause, and were so afraid of it 
that for a long time they would hardly mention that object 
of Dr. Whitman's journey publicly. I remember plainly 
that Mr. Walker often prayed after Dr. Whitman had gone, 
that if it was right for him to go on this business, he might 
be preserved, but, if not, his way might be hedged up. When 
the statements first began to be made publicly of this polit- 
ical object of Dr. Whitman's journey east, we were then 
afraid that disgrace would be brought on our mission." ' 

Mr. Lovejoy, who took this journey with Dr. Whit- 
man, reports as follows: " Previous to our leaving 
Waiilatpu, I often had conversations with the Doctor 
touching the prospects of this coast. He was alive to 
its interests and manifested a warm wish to have this 
country properly represented at Washington." 

In spite of all the precautions that Dr. Whitman 
could take, it is evident that the object of his overland 
journey became known even to the Indians. Mr. 
Hines says: 

1 Marcus Whitman, M.D., a pamphlet by Rev. M. Eells. Portland, 
1883. 



136 MARCUS WHITMAN 

" The arrival of a large party of emigrants about this 
time and the sudden departure of Dr. Whitman to the 
United States, with the avowed intention of bringing back 
with him as many as he could enlist for Oregon, served to 
hasten them to the above conclusion [viz. : that the white 
people intended to destroy them and take possession of 
their country]. That a great excitement existed among the 
Indians of the interior, and that they designed to make war 
upon the settlement, was only known to the whites through 
the medium of vague report, until a letter was received 
from H. K. W. Perkins, at The Dalles, in which he informed 
us that the Wascopam and Walla Walla Indians had com- 
municated to him in substance the following information: 
That the Indians are very much exasperated against the 
whites in consequence of so many of the latter coming into 
the country, to destroy their game and take away their 
lands; that the Nez Perces despatched one of their chiefs 
last winter on snow-shoes to visit the Indians in the buffalo 
country east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them 
to cut off the party that it is expected Dr. Whitman will 
bring back with him to settle the Nez Perce country." * 

We cannot turn to the right hand or to the left in 
our investigations without finding additional testimony 
as to Whitman's intentions. Dr. William Geiger, Jr., 
for more than forty years a prominent man and noted 
physician in Oregon, testifies as follows: 

" I came to this country in 1839, and was at Dr. Whit- 
man's request in charge of his station in 1842-43, while he 
went east, and remained there after his return about three 
weeks, and had many conversations with him on the object 
of his going, after his return. I was there again in 1845 
and 1846. 

" His main object in going east was to save the country 
to the United States, as he believed there was great danger 
of its falling into the hands of England. Incidentally 
he intended to obtain more missionary help, and for this 
object I sent provisions to Fort Hall for them in 1843. The 

1 Hines, History of Oregon, pp. 143, 144. 



THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 137 

immigration of 1842, especially Mr. A. L. Lovejoy, brought 
word that there was danger that the English would obtain 
Oregon, hence Dr. Whitman went east. When he reached 
Missouri he heard that the danger was very great of losing 
this country, hence he hurried on without taking time to get 
a clean shirt or pair of pants." ' 

Mrs. Lovejoy asserted that her husband was " aware 
of Whitman's aims and motives; knew that his great 
object in the journey was to save Oregon from British 
rule; and gave him credit in great part for accom- 
plishing his patriotic intention." 2 

Mr. P. B. Whitman, Dr. Whitman's nephew, who 
went out with him to Oregon in the spring of 1843, 
said : " I heard him say repeatedly on the journey and 
after we reached his mission, Waiilatpu, that he went 
to the States in the winter of 1842-43 for the purpose 
of bringing an immigration with wagons across the 
plains to Oregon." 3 In another connection he has 
said: 

4 ' While crossing the plains I repeatedly heard the Doctor 
express himself as being very anxious to succeed in opening 
a wagon road across the continent to the Columbia River, 
and thereby stay, if not entirely prevent, the trading of this 
northwest coast, then pending between the United States 
and the British government. In after years the Doctor, 
with much pride and satisfaction, reverted to his success in 
bringing the immigration across the plains, and thought it 
one of the means of saving Oregon to his government. I 
remained with him continuously till August, 1847, when he 
sent me to The Dalles. He was murdered the following 
November." 4 

1 Letter to Rev. M. Eells quoted in Marcus Whitman, by Rev. M. 
Eells, Portland, 1883. 

2 Post-Intelligencer, Seattle, November 17, 1882. 

3 Letter to Rev. M. Eells, dated February 10, 1882. 

4 Weekly Astorian, December 17, 1880. 



138 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Hon. Alanson Hinman, for many years a merchant 
at Forest Grove and president of the Board of Trustees 
of the Pacific University, testified thus: 

" Dr. Whitman told me that he went east in 1842 with 
two objects, one to assist the mission, the other to save the 
country to the United States. I do not think he would have 
gone that winter, had it not been that the danger seemed to 
him very great that the country would be obtained by Eng- 
land, but would have deferred the journey until spring. 
He first went to Washington, afterwards to New York to 
see Mr. Horace Greeley, who was known to be a friend of 
this country. He went there dressed in his rough clothes, 
much the same that he wore across the continent. When 
he knocked at the door a lady came, Mrs. Greeley or a 
daughter, I think, and seeing such a rough-looking person, 
said to his inquiries for Mr. Greeley, ' Not at home.' Dr. 
Whitman started away. She went and told Mr. Greeley 
about him, and Mr. Greeley, who was of much the same 
style and cared but little for looks, looking out the window 
and seeing him going away, said to call him in. It was 
done, and they had a long talk about this northwest coast 
and its political relations." ' 

It is quite evident that when Dr. Whitman reached 
the frontier and learned that the Ashburton treaty 
had been concluded, leaving out Oregon entirely, he 
supposed that the government would soon make a new 
treaty for the Oregon northern boundary, 

Mr. J. B. McLane, one of the 1843 emigrants, writes: 

" The Doctor was a man among men. You may judge 
something of him by the following fact: The Indians (his 
own people sent by Dr. Geiger) had brought considerable 
flour to him at Fort Hall, and the morning we left there he 
distributed all the provisions he had to the needy emigrants, 
except about fifty pounds for five of us who were in his mess, 
and the only ones who went ahead of the wagons." a 

1 Letter to Rev. M. Eells, dated June 8, 1883. 

2 Missionary Herald, Boston, September, 1885. 



THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 139 

A letter from Dr. Whitman to Dr. Greene, Secretary 
of the American Board, dated Vancouver, April 1, 
1847, states his view of the situation in these words: 

" American interests acquired in the country, which the 
success of the immigration of 1843 alone did and could 
have secured, have become the foundation of the late treaty 
between England and the United States in regard to Oregon ; 
for it may be easily seen what would have become of Amer- 
ican interests in this country had the results of that immi- 
gration been as disastrous as have been the two attempts in 
1845 and 1846 to alter the route then followed. Any one 
may see that American interests, as now acquired, have had 
more to do in securing the treaty than our original rights. 
From 1835 tm " now lt: ^ as been apparent that there was a 
choice only of two things: (1) The increase of British inter- 
ests to the exclusion of all other rights in the country, or 
(2) the establishment of American interests by citizens on 
the ground. In the fall of 1842 I pointed out to our mis- 
sion the arrangements of the papists to settle here, which 
might oblige us to retire. This was urged as a reason why 
I should return home and try to bring out men to carry on 
(the secular work of) the missionary stations, and (others) to 
settle in the country on the footing of citizens and not as 
missionaries. You will please receive this as an explanation 
of many of my measures and much of my policy." 1 

Dr. Hale, a dentist in St. Louis, in a letter written 
July 19, 1871, says: " I had the pleasure of entertain- 
ing Dr. Whitman at St. Louis on his visit to the East 
to confer with the President and heads of departments 
in relation to the settlement of the boundary question. 
Also on his return to Oregon, my house was his home 
while in St. Louis." 2 

A letter written by Dr. Whitman after his return 
to Oregon was lately published in The Pacific, having 
been sent to that paper by George H. Himes, Esq., 

1 From the archives of the American Board. 

2 Letter to Rev. Thomas Laurie, D.D., of Providence, R. L 



i 4 o MARCUS WHITMAN 

of Portland, Oregon, assistant secretary of the Oregon 
Historical Society. In explanation he says : " The 
following letter, written by Dr. Whitman, the original 
of which is in my possession, shows plainly what his 
purposes were, and this letter has never been in print 
except in the transactions of the Oregon Pioneer 
Association/ ' 

Waiilatpu, May 16, 1844. 

My Dear Father and Mother : A little more than 
a year has elapsed since I had the pleasure of seeing you. 
The remembrance of that visit will never be effaced from 
my mind. I did not misjudge as to my duty to return 
home; the importance of my accompanying the emigration 
on one hand and the consequent scarcity of provisions on 
the other, strongly called for my return, and forbade my 
bringing another party that year. 

As I hold the settlement of this country by Americans 
rather than by an English colony most important, I am 
happy to have been the means of landing so large an emi- 
gration on to the shores of the Columbia, with their wagons, 
families, and stock, all in safety. 

The health of Narcissa was such in my absence and since 
my return as to call loudly for my presence. We despaired 
of her life at times and for the winter have not felt she 
could live long. But there is more hope at present, al- 
though nothing very decisive can be said. While on the 
way back, I had an inflammation in my foot which threat- 
ened to suppurate, but I discussed it and thought nothing 
more of it until I got home, when I found I had a tumor 
on the instep. It appears to be a bony tumor and has 
given me a good deal of apprehension and inconvenience, 
but is now some better, but not well. 

It gives me much pleasure to be back and quietly at work 
again for the Indians. It does not concern me so much 
what is to become of any particular set of Indians, as to 
give them the offer of salvation through the gospel and the 
opportunity of civilization, and then I am content to do 
good to all men as " I have opportunity." I have no 
doubt our greatest work is to be to aid the white settlement 
of this country and help to found its religious institutions. 



THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 141 

Providence has had its full share in all these events. Al- 
though the Indians have made and are making rapid ad- 
vance in religious knowledge and civilization, yet it cannot 
be hoped that time will be allowed to mature either the 
work of Christianization or civilization before the white 
settlers will demand the soil and seek the removal of both 
the Indians and the Mission. What Americans desire of 
this kind they always effect, and it is equally useless to op- 
pose or desire it otherwise. To guide, as far as can be 
done, and direct these tendencies for the best, is evidently 
the part of wisdom. Indeed, I am fully convinced that 
when a people refuse or neglect to fill the designs of Provi- 
dence, they ought not to complain at the results; and so it 
is equally useless for Christians to be anxious on their 
account. The Indians have in no case obeyed the com- 
mand to multiply and replenish the earth, and they cannot 
stand in the way of others doing so. A place will be left 
them to do this as fully as their ability to obey will permit, 
and the more we can do for them the more fully will this 
be realized. No exclusiveness can be asked for any por- 
tion of the human family. The exercise of his rights are 
all that can be desired. In order for this to its proper 
extent in regard to the Indians, it is necessary that they 
seek to preserve their rights by peaceable means only. 
Any violation of this rule will be visited with only evil 
results to themselves. 

The Indians are anxious about the consequences of set- 
tlers among them, but I hope there will be no acts of 
violence on either hand. An evil affair at the Falls of the 
Willamette resulted in the death of two white men killed 
and one Indian. But all is now quiet. I will try to write 
to Brother Jackson, when I will treat of the country, etc. 

It will not surprise me to see your whole family in this 
country in two years. Let us hear from you often. Nar- 
cissa may be able to write for herself. We wish to be 
remembered with your other children in your prayers. 
Your affectionate son, 

Marcus Whitman. 
Hon. Stephen Prentiss, 

Cuba, Allegheny Co., New York. 

By way of comment Mr. Himes says: 

" The above letter proves conclusively that Dr. Whitman 



i 4 2 MARCUS WHITMAN 

had a clear idea of the future relations of Oregon to the 
rest of the country, so far as its settlement by Americans 
was concerned, and that he was ready to do all in his power 
to promote its welfare, even to die, if need be, in order 
that American interests might prevail." 

Probably many of our readers have before this raised 
in their own minds an inquiry as to why it is necessary 
to spend time in bringing forward such an array of 
evidence to show that Dr. Whitman made his perilous 
journey principally with this patriotic purpose; and 
doubtless, in reading the pages which follow, a similar 
question will be raised, — why take so much pains to 
prove that Whitman's horseback ride was instrumental 
in saving Oregon to the United States ? 

All this array of proof on these two points would 
be unnecessary had not a number of writers taken great 
pains to prove that Whitman had no such patriotic 
purpose in his trip east, and that he did nothing to aid 
the United States in retaining possession of the Oregon 
country. Reference has already been made to some 
statements of Mrs. Victor and the Hon. Elwood Evans. 
An extended discussion of Whitman's merits was car- 
ried on in several newspapers in the Oregon territory, 
especially in the Portland Oregonian, the Astorian, the 
Walla Walla Watchman, and the East Oregonian, in 
1884 and 1885. Mrs. Victor and Elwood Evans op- 
posed the claims that had been made for Whitman. 
In favor of these claims were articles by William H. 
Gray, Rev. Myron Eells, Harry L. Wells, Frank T. 
Gilbert, Edwin C. Ross, and others. The strength of 
the arguments and the great preponderance of evidence 
in these discussions were surely on the Whitman side. 

The twenty-ninth volume of Hubert Howe Ban- 
croft's works, which is understood to have been written 



THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 143 

by Mrs. Victor, fails to give proper credit to Whitman 
for his services, and the narrative here and there 
abounds in discourteous, unnecessary, and untruthful 
flings at the missionaries and the American Board. 

Mr. Gilbert, in his two large volumes, entitled His- 
torical Sketches of Walla Walla, Whitman, Columbia, 
and Garfield Counties, Washington (Portland, 1882), 
and History of Southern Oregon (Portland, 1884), gives 
some account of Whitman's labors and sufferings for 
Oregon, fair and truthful in the main, but with certain 
errors of detail. 

Gray's History of Oregon aims to be fair, but in some 
places claims are made for Whitman which are ex- 
treme and perhaps incapable of clear proof. Spalding, 
the missionary, a conscientious man of high character, 
in his later years endeavored to set Whitman right 
before the people of the United States, and his evi- 
dence is of great value, but in some details his memory 
cannot be trusted. At times the pictures are over- 
drawn and in some few instances there are direct errors 
of fact. 

In 1858 the House of Representatives at Washing- 
ton published in Executive Document No. 38, Thirty- 
fifth Congress, First Session, a letter from the 
Secretary of the Interior, covering the report of J. 
Ross Browne on the Indian war in Oregon. The secre- 
tary's report is made up of a letter of about a dozen 
pages from Ross Browne, who was then special agent 
of the Treasury Department, and a document of more 
than fifty pages copied bodily from the work entitled 
Protestantism in Oregon, by the Rev. J. B. A. Brouil- 
lett, who is styled the Vicar-General of Walla Walla. 
This document gives the Catholic version and ex- 
planation of the Whitman massacre. More than ten 



144 MARCUS WHITMAN 

years had passed since the great tragedy took place 
before this Catholic report was published by the House. 
Thirteen years later the other side of the affair was 
first presented when the Senate published Executive 
Document No. J7, Forty-first Congress, First Session. 
This document consisted of a letter from the Secretary 
of the Interior communicating, in compliance with a 
resolution of the Senate, information in relation to 
the early labors of the missionaries of the American 
Board in Oregon, beginning in 1836. The document 
is made up of material furnished to the Bureau of In- 
dian Affairs by Mr. Spalding. It covers eighty pages 
and is full of information — much of it valuable — con- 
cerning these missions, Whitman's ride across the 
country, the emigration of 1843, Dut more especially a 
detailed account of the massacre. 

Thus almost a quarter of a century was allowed 
to pass before the Protestant version of these Protest- 
ant missionary operations and their utter destruction 
by the great massacre of 1847 was presented to the 
American people. It is to be regretted that this docu- 
ment was published in the miscellaneous form in which 
it appeared. It would have been far better could it 
have been properly edited and its statements either 
verified or, when not capable of verification, omitted. 
The document is of great value for the wealth of in- 
formation which it contains, but it is not well put 
together and is not, in all respects, reliable. How- 
ever, such as it is, in the hands of careful historical 
students all over the country it would have proved of 
great value, had not the edition in a short time almost 
entirely disappeared. Within a few years of the date 
of its publication the writer made strong efforts to 
secure a copy of it. Representatives and senators 



THE TRUE CAUSES OF WHITMAN'S RIDE 145 

reported to him that a copy could not be found in the 
Capitol at Washington. He continued his search for 
several years, and in 1880 one of the New England 
senators sent him the document with the remark, 
" This is the only copy I can find in the city of Wash- 
ington." 

The errors in this document, and perhaps over- 
statements by writers on Whitman's winter journey, 
have made still more imperative a careful and critical 
account of this chapter in our history. It seemed 
necessary to make this somewhat lengthy explanation 
in order to give sufficient reason for entering into such 
detail with reference to the motives of Whitman in his 
famous ride and his influence in promoting and assist- 
ing the emigration to Oregon in 1843. 



CHAPTER XII 
whitman's ride 

HISTORY is full of remarkable rides. The story of 
the ride of Paul Revere is known the world over 
through Longfellow's famous poem ; but that was 
the ride of a single night to warn the patriots of the 
approach of the British army. The Ride of Collins 
Grave, by O'Reilly, tells how the hero saved a town 
from flood. Sheridan's ride during our Civil War, as 
portrayed by the poet, Buchanan Read, has been told 
everywhere; but that was the ride of a few hours 
which turned the tide of a battle. The King of Den- 
mark's Ride, by Mrs. Norton, and How they Brought 
the Good News from Ghent to Aix, by Browning, are 
poems of great beauty, but they lack the historic 
background. 

Couriers with relays of horses rode from our country 
to Texas to carry the news that Congress had voted 
annexation. But in that transaction there was no 
heroism, no suffering, no hairbreadth escapes. It was 
hardly more than the ordinary performance of the 
mail carriers. 

Stanley's search for Livingstone is a famous narra- 
tive of great adventure and of important purpose, but 
Stanley had a large party with him. It was not like 
a ride with a single companion, nor was it made in the 
depth of winter. 

146 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 147 

The Lewis and Clark expedition was from Missouri 
to the Columbia, but that was an organized, military 
company with ample supplies. Moreover, they trav- 
eled in summer and went into camp in winter. 

Whitman's ride was the heroic deed of one man 
with a single companion. It was a ride of between 
twenty-five hundred and three thousand miles, occupy- 
ing between four and five months, beginning with the 
first snows of the autumn and ending at the frontier 
nearly a month before the sun had reached the vernal 
equinox. Whatever supplies he had, — including food 
for himself, his companion, and his guide, provender 
for his horses, and blankets to sleep in upon the frozen 
ground at night, — he was obliged to carry with him 
upon his beasts of burden. Snowstorms must be en- 
countered, and wild beasts and Indians guarded against. 
There were no caravanseries on the way where the 
tired traveler and his beast of burden could find com- 
fortable rest and refreshment at night. The steep 
hillside, the deep canon, or the secluded rocky den, 
night after night, formed his bedchamber. He carried 
with him his pemmican and flour, and either he, his 
companion, or the guide would occasionally shoot wild 
game with which to replenish the larder. His only 
resting-places through this long winter's journey were 
at Fort Hall in Idaho, Fort Uintah in Utah, Fort Un- 
compahgre in Colorado, Fort Taos and Santa Fe in 
New Mexico, and Bent's Fort in Colorado. At these 
forts he not only rested but exchanged guides, and 
sometimes he was obliged to exchange his horses and 
mules for fresh ones. 

Ah, what a journey was that! What heroism, what 
endurance, what persistence, what energy it required ; 
what suffering it entailed, what hunger and freezing 



i 4 8 MARCUS WHITMAN 

cold! The long snowstorms, the chilling blizzard, the 
swimming of frozen streams, these are words easy to 
speak, simple to read, but do they convey to our minds 
any adequate idea of the reality? 

Hezekiah Butterworth, the well-known and popular 
writer, is the author of a beautiful poem upon this 
famous ride. He has kindly given his permission for 
its insertion here. It requires careful reading to bring 
out all its delicate allusions, and it will repay thought- 
ful study. 

WHITMAN'S RIDE FOR OREGON. 

BY HEZEKIAH BUTTERWORTH. 

" An empire to be lost or won ! 

And who four thousand miles will ride 

And climb to heaven the Great Divide, 
And find the way to Washington, 

Through mountain canons, winter snows, 

O'er streams where free the north wind blows ? 
Who, who will ride from Walla Walla, 

Four thousand miles from Oregon ? " — 

So rang the question through the sky. 

" An empire to be lost or won? 
In youth, to man I gave my all, 
And nought is yonder mountain wall ; 
If but the will of Heaven be done, 
It is not mine to live or die, 
Or count the mountains low or high, 
Or count the miles from Walla Walla. 
The soul hath neither space nor time ; 

The god ' Terminus ' is dead. 
Beneath the curtain of the sky 

I slept, while half the nation said 
' There is no road to Oregon,' 

And bounded earth as 't were a plain. 
I once have ridden for Oregon, 
And I for her will ride again ! " 
'T was thus that Whitman made reply, 
By Walla Walla River. 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 149 

' ' An empire to be lost or won ? 
Bring me my cayuse pony then, 
And I will tread old ways, as when 
Beneath the gray skies' crystal sun, 
Upon the altar of the air 

I raised the flag and saw below 
The measureless Columbia flow ; 
The Bible ope'd, and bowed in prayer, 

And gave myself to God anew, 
And felt my spirit newly born. 

Now to my mission I '11 be true ; 
I, I will ride for Walla Walla, 
I '11 ride again for Oregon ! " 
'T was thus that Whitman made reply, 
By Walla Walla River. 

October burning in the wood, 

The russet leaves half crisped, half gone, 
By Walla Walla River stood 

The once fair brides of Oregon. 
They saw the steed impatient stamp, 

They heard the sly coyote cry ; 
With waving hand, while filled the camp 

The shining dust of alkali, 
They saw him point to Heaven, and move 

Beside the river, o'er the plain, 
They saw the phantom mountains move 

Before his mighty faith again, 

By Walla Walla River. 

He disappeared as not his own. 

He heard the warning ice-winds sigh, 
The smoking sun-flames o'er him shone 

On whitened altars of the sky. 
As up the mountain sides he rose, 

The wandering eagle round him wheeled, 
The partridge fled, the gentle roes ; 

And oft his cayuse pony reeled 
Upon some dizzy crag, and gazed 

Down cloudy chasms, falling storms, 
While higher yet the peaks upraised 

Against the winds their giant forms. 



150 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Said the Shoshonee to the Nez Perce, 

44 Who rides with the storm, ho, ho ! 
With a robe of ice was covered his form, 

And covered his tracks the snow ? " 
Said the Nez Perce to the Shoshonee, 

44 He came and went with the wind, 
He followed the guide of his soul before, 

And left no trail behind " — 
44 The gods him beckoned ; he went his way,' 

Said the Shoshonee and the Nez Perce. 

December came, the grizzly hid, 

The cacti turned to white, 
And half the day was cloud and storm, 

And half was cloud and night. 
44 Impossible ! " exclaimed the guide. 

44 Impossible ! no, no ! " 
Before him bowed the Great Divide 

And parted plains of snow. 

On, on and on, past Idaho, 

On past the mighty saline sea, 
His covering at night the snow, 

His only sentinel a tree. 
On, past Portneuf's basaltic heights, 

On, where San Juan mountains lay, 
Through sunless days and starless nights, 

Toward Taos and far Santa Fe. 
Now kneeling in the starlit snow, 

Now warmed by lone Fort Uintah, 
Now scanning in horizons low 

The fortress of Uncompahgre. 
O'er tablelands of sleet and hail, 

Through pine-roofed gorges, canons cold, 
Now fording streams encased in mail 

Of ice, like Alpine knights of old. 
44 The open Bible 'neath the flag 
I planted on the mountain crag, 

While wheeled the eagle in the sun, 

And I '11 defend what I have won." 
He said, and spurred his thin steed on, 

Till far behind him lay Walla Walla, 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 151 

And far the fields of Oregon. 

'T was thus that Whitman made reply. 

Said the Navajo to the Apache chief, 

" Who rides with the storm, ho, ho ! 
With the robe of death was covered his form, 

And covered his track the snow ? " 
Said the Apache chief to the Navajo, 

" He came and went with the wind, 
He followed a guide unseen before, 

And left no trail behind — 
The gods him beckoned, — so let him go ! " 

Said the Apache chief to the Navajo. 

The winter deepened, sharper grew 

The hail and sleet, the frost and snow ; 
Not e'en the eagle o'er him flew, 

And scarce the partridge's wing below. 
The land became a long white sea, 

And then a deep with scarce a coast, 
The stars refused their light, till he 

Was in the wildering mazes lost. 
He dropped the rein, his stiffened hand 

Was like a statue's hand of clay. 
" My trusty beast, 't is the command, 

Go on, I leave to thee the way. 
The open Bible 'neath the flag 
I set upon the mountain crag, 

While screamed the eagles in the sun ; 

I must defend what I have won. 
I must go on, I must go on, 

Whatever lot may fall to me ; 
On ! 't is for others' sake I ride, 

For others I may never see, 
And dare the clouds, O Great Divide, 

Not for myself, O Walla Walla, 
Not for myself, O Washington ; 
But for thy future, Oregon ! " 
'T was thus that Whitman made reply. 

On, on and on, the dumb beast pressed, 
Uncertain and without a guide, 



152 MARCUS WHITMAN 

And found the mountain's curve of rest, 

And open ways of the Divide. 
His feet grew firm, he found the way 

With storm-beat limbs and frozen breath, 
As keen his instincts to obey, 

As was his master's eye of faith. 
" Hark ! What is that?" the Indian said. 

An echo answered him. " Who passed 
O'er flinty rock and watershed 

To pathless forests dim and vast ? " 
The horse's hoof made but reply 
On rocky stairs adown the sky. 

Still on and on, still on and on, 
And far and far grew Walla Walla, 

And far the fields of Oregon. 

That spring, a man with frozen feet 

Came to the marble halls of State, 
And told his mission, but to meet 

The chill of scorn, the scoff of hate. 
" Is Oregon worth saving?" asked 

The treaty-makers from the coast ; 
And him keen lips with questions tasked, 
'Mid scornful hearts, with faces masked, 

And said, " Why did you leave your post?' 

He stood amid the halls of State, 

In tattered garments fringed by storms, 
And told how he had ridden with fate, 

And borne an empire in his arms. 
More bitter than the mountain winds 

An answering voice renewed his pains, 
" I would not give a whiff of smoke 

For all the land beyond the plains ! " 
Was it for this that he had braved 

The warring storms of mount and sky ? 
Yes ! Yet that empire he had saved, 

And to his post went back to die — 
Went back to die for others' sake, 

For that grand empire 'neath the flag 

That he had lifted o'er the crag, 
Above the mighty Puget sea ; 
Went back for great humanity, 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 153 

Went back to die for Washington, ■ 

Went back to die for Walla Walla, 
For Idaho and Oregon ! 

'T was thus that Whitman made reply. 

Now on the gleaming hills again, 

Fair autumn sets her plumes of gold ; 
Two women's eyes look down the plain, 

And there a hero's form behold. 
The rising world shall map his track, 

The vales and peaks his name shall hold, 
And earth-worn feet shall follow back 

The empires new and empires old, 

And gather 'neath the flag unrolled 
By Walla Walla River. 

At Walla Walla one may see 

The city of the western North; 
And near it graves unmarked there be 

That cover souls of royal worth. 
The flag waves o'er them in the sky, 

Beneath whose stars are cities born, 
And round them mountain-castled lie 

The hundred towns of Oregon. 

I hear the tread of nations there ; 

The engine shrieks where eagles screamed, 
And ring the silver bells of prayer, 

Where voiceless the Columbia gleamed. 
I hear a thousand hammers beat 

The march of cities 'neath the crag : 
Halt, halt, O hosts of hurrying feet ! 
The eagles sweep celestial air ; 
Halt ! give the password ! let it be 

The solitary rider's word, 

That but the echoing mountain heard : 
"All things are possible to faith, 
To him who lifts in prayer the flag, 

And dares the fortress of the sky ! " 
The future has its Walla Walla, 
And peopled vales of Oregon, 

Where Whitman and his heroes lie, 
By Walla Walla River. 



i 5 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Dr. Whitman's single companion was Amos Law- 
rence Lovejoy, a young man from Boston, a nephew 
of the Hon. Abbott Lawrence, who was at one time 
our minister to England. He had come west in the 
summer of 1841 with a company of immigrants. This 
party arrived near Whitman's station early in Sep- 
tember, and Dr. Whitman soon made the acquaint- 
ance of Lovejoy. Years afterwards Lovejoy wrote as 
follows : 

" After numerous conversations with the Doctor touching 
the future prosperity of Oregon, he asked me one day in a 
very anxious manner if I thought it would be possible for 
him to cross the mountains at that time of year. I told 
him I thought he could. He next asked me, ' Will you ac- 
company me ? ' After a little reflection I told him I would." 

What motive could be strong enough to induce 
Lovejoy, who had just completed the long and ardu- 
ous journey across the continent, to turn about and 
accompany Dr. Whitman on an extra hazardous ride 
over the mountains in the winter ? It can hardly be 
supposed that he had any special interest in Whit- 
man's missionary operations. But if, on the other 
hand, he was impressed with the political and patriotic 
motives which actuated Whitman, those motives 
might influence him to make the sacrifice. 

Whitman arranged to have Dr. Geiger take charge 
of the mission during his absence. Mrs. Whitman, 
the brave woman that she was, consented to his 
going. She was to remain at the mission for a time, 
and afterwards she went to The Dalles and spent most 
of the winter in the family of Rev. H. K. W. Perkins. 
Mr. Perkins afterwards came east and was for many 
years a city missionary in Boston, where he died a few 
years ago. 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 155 

It is the morning of October 3d, a bright, clear day. 
Dr. Whitman has secured a proper supply of horses 
and mules, his favorite " Cayuse " for himself, a horse 
for Lovejoy, one for the guide, and the mules to carry 
the supplies. 

All have gathered at his house to shake hands, wish 
him a bon voyage, and to give him a cheer at his start. 
There is Mrs. Whitman standing in the doorway, Mr. 
and Mrs. Gray by his horse, the Indian school children, 
thirty or forty of them, grouped around Mrs. Whit- 
man, their teacher. All his Indian friends who live 
near by are present. The supplies are well strapped 
upon the backs of the mules. The horses are saddled. 
With a wave of the hand and an unbidden tear in the 
eye, Whitman mounts his fleet " Cayuse." Lovejoy 
and the guide are already in the saddle, a good num- 
ber of his devoted Indian friends mount their horses 
to accompany him on the first day's trip, and they are 
off. The air is crisp and invigorating, and the horses 
are fresh and spirited. His Indian friends urge on the 
mules. They make a long day's journey. At night 
the horses are tethered, the fire is built, their supper 
eaten, and, wearied with the long ride, they sleep 
soundly till morning. They are up betimes, the fire 
is kindled, coffee boiled, breakfast eaten, pack animals 
are in readiness, horses saddled, and they are off at the 
first peep of the sun-rising. 

In eleven days, according to Lovejoy's account, they 
reached Fort Hall, having compassed the distance of 
about four hundred miles, at the rate of forty miles 
a day. Through the entire trip Dr. Whitman never 
traveled on Sunday ; his traveling time, therefore, was 
ten days. 

Scarcely a day had they been on their way when the 



156 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Indians (doubtless so instructed) forbade them to pro- 
ceed, but by parley they got away. At Fort Hall 
Dr. Whitman was uncertain what to do. He feared 
the hostility of the mountain Indians, spurred on by 
instructions such as those whom he had already met 
had evidently received. Captain Grant at Fort Hall 
told him that the Pawnees and the Sioux were at war 
and that he would lose his life if he endeavored to go 
through their country. Besides, it was reported that 
the snow in the mountains was very deep. He must, 
therefore, turn back or wait till spring. 

But Dr. Whitman was not the man to turn back. 
He now determined to thwart completely the designs 
of his enemies by changing from a direct route through 
the South Pass to a more southerly course through 
" the Spanish country," as it was then called. In- 
stead, therefore, of pursuing the well-known path east- 
ward, he turned southward and took the old Spanish 
trail for Santa Fe. This route added nearly a thou- 
sand miles to the distance to be traveled. Taking a 
guide from Fort Hall, he pushed on across the north- 
east corner of Utah to Fort Uintah, which was nearly 
south from Fort Bridger in the Uintah Mountains. 
On their way from Fort Hall to Fort Uintah they had 
terribly severe weather. The snows were deep, blind- 
ing the travelers and so retarding their progress that 
they lost much time. At Fort Uintah they rested 
and changed guides; and then continued their journey 
across Green River, up one of its branches and over to 
the valley of the Grand River. 

They were now in what has since become the state 
of Colorado. Their next stopping place was Fort Un- 
compahgre, which was situated on what is now called 
Uncompahgre River in the Uncompahgre Mountains. 




SCALE OF MILES "^ 
100 200 300 



ENGRAVED BY BORMAY 4; CO., N.Y. 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 157 

They were crossing the highlands among the irregular 
spurs of the Rocky Mountains. Their stay at Fort 
Uncompahgre was short. They made a few purchases, 
took a new guide, and left for Fort Taos. 1 

General Lovejoy wrote a letter to Mr. Gray, and 
later another to Dr. Atkinson, describing their journey 
from Waiilatpu to Bent's Fort. In these letters, 
which are substantially the same, although each has 
certain details not found in the other, the General 
gives a graphic description of their experiences in the 
Rocky Mountains. Of their journey after leaving 
Uncompahgre, he says : 

" When we had been out four or five days and were pass- 
ing over high tablelands we encountered a most terrific 
snow storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. A 
deep ravine being near by, we quickly made for it, but the 
snow fell so rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, 
that it was almost impossible to reach it. After reaching 
the ravine, and cutting some cotton-wood trees for our ani- 
mals, we attempted such arrangements for camp as best we 
could under the circumstances, and remained snowed in for 
some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it 
cleared off intensely cold. It was with much difficulty that 
we made our way up upon the high lands ; the snow was so 
deep and the wind so piercing and cold, that we felt com- 
pelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of 
weather. 

" Our next effort was more successful, and after spend- 
ing several days wandering round in the snow, without 
making much headway, and greatly fatiguing our animals, 
to little or no purpose, our guide informed us that the deep 
snows had so changed the face of the country, that he was 
completely lost, and could take us no farther. 

" This was a terrible blow to the Doctor. He was 
determined not to give up without another effort. And 
we at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide 
and make his way back to the fort, and procure a new 

1 Pronounced Tah'-ose. 




MAP 8H0WINQ THE ROUTE TO OREGON AND WHITMAN'S RIDE 



158 MARCUS WHITMAN 

guide, and that I should remain in camp with the animals 
until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new 
guide." 

This was the most serious detention which they 
experienced in the whole trip. First they had a 
four days' snowstorm. One day was spent in a vain 
attempt to proceed, but they were compelled to re- 
turn to their camp. A few days more they waited 
" for a change of weather"; then they made an- 
other unsuccessful attempt to proceed. After that 
Lovejoy was left in camp with the animals while Dr. 
Whitman made his way back to Fort Uncompahgre 
for a new guide. In thus retracing his steps and re- 
turning to Lovejoy's camp, another whole week was 
wasted. They must, therefore, have lost more than 
two weeks' time from this terrific snowstorm. But 
what must we think of Lovejoy, their horses, pack 
animals, and their faithful dog in that camp during an 
entire week ! It was the dead of winter. He was one 
man, alone, in the midst of the Rocky Mountains, in 
an unfrequented pass. His friend, the Doctor, had 
gone back for a new guide, and it was uncertain 
whether he would be able to reach the fort. If he 
should be so fortunate as to succeed in that at- 
tempt and should start with a new guide, would that 
guide be able to find him in his mountain fastness ? 
In his solitude during that longest week of the entire 
trip, probably the longest of his life, he must have 
made much of the companionship of their little dog. 
It is sad to think that a little farther on in their jour- 
ney, when their provisions had utterly failed, not only 
were they obliged to kill a mule for food to save their 
lives, but stern necessity compelled them to kill and 
eat that faithful dog. 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 159 

At length, however, the Doctor and the new guide 
appeared. Let Lovejoy tell the story : 

" We were soon under way on our route, traveling 
through the snows at rather a snail's pace. Nothing oc- 
curred of much importance other than hard and slow travel- 
ing until we reached, as our guide informed us, the Grand 
River, which was frozen, on either side, about one third 
across. The current was so very rapid that the center of 
the stream remained open, although the weather was in- 
tensely cold. 

" This stream was one hundred and fifty, or two hundred 
yards wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous 
to cross in its present condition. But the Doctor, nothing 
daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his 
horse, and the guide and myself pushed them off the ice 
into the boiling, foaming stream. Away they went com- 
pletely under water, — horse and all; but directly came up, 
and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made 
his way to the ice on the opposite side, a long way down 
the stream, — leaped from his horse upon the ice, and soon 
had his noble animal by his side. The guide and myself 
forced in the pack animals, followed the Doctor's example, 
and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable 
fire." 

What was perhaps the most severe and serious ad- 
venture is related as follows : 

" On that terrible 13th of January, 1843, when so many 
in all parts of our country froze to death, the Doctor, against 
the advice of his Mexican guide, left his camp in a deep 
gorge of the mountains of New Mexico, in the morning, to 
pursue his journey. But on reaching the divide, the cold 
became so intense, and the animals actually becoming 
maddened by the driving snows, the Doctor saw his peril, 
and attempted to retrace his steps, and, if possible, to find 
his camp, as the only hope of saving their lives. But the 
drifting snow had totally obliterated every trace, and the 
air becoming almost as dark as night by the maddening 
storm, the Doctor saw that it would be impossible for any 
human being to find camp, and commending himself and 
distant wife to his covenant-keeping God, he gave himself, 



160 MARCUS WHITMAN 

his faithful guide, and animals up to their snowy grave, 
which was fast closing about them, when the guide, ob- 
serving the ears of one of the mules intently bent forward, 
sprang upon him, giving him the reins, exclaiming: ' This 
mule will find the camp if he can live to reach it.' The 
Doctor mounted another and followed. The faithful ani- 
mal kept down the divide a short distance, and then turned 
square down the steep mountain. Through deep snow- 
drifts, over frightful precipices, down, down, he pushed, 
unguided and unurged, — as if he knew the lives of the two 
men and the fate of the great expedition depended upon his 
endurance and his faithfulness, — and into the thick timber, 
and stopped suddenly over a bare spot, and as the Doctor 
dismounted, — the Mexican was too far gone, — behold the 
very fireplace of their morning camp! Two brands of fire 
were yet alive and smoking; plenty of timber in reach. 
The buffalo hides had done much to protect the Doctor, 
and providentially he could move about and collect dry 
limbs, and soon had a rousing fire. The guide revived, but 
both were badly frozen. They remained in this secluded 
hole in the mountains several days, till the cold and the 
storm abated. 

11 At another time, with another guide, on the head- 
waters of the Arkansas, after traveling all day in a terrible 
storm, they reached a small river for camp, but without a 
stick of wood anywhere to be had except on the other side 
of the stream, which was covered with ice, but too thin to 
support a man erect. The storm cleared away, and the 
night bade fair to be intensely cold ; besides, they must have 
fire to prepare bread and food. The Doctor took his ax 
in one hand and a willow stick in the other, laid himself 
upon the thin ice, and spreading his legs and arms he 
worked himself over on his breast, cut his wood and slid it 
over, and returned the same way. 

" That was the last time the Doctor enjoyed the luxury 
of his ax — so indispensable at that season of the year, in 
such a country. That night a wolf poked his nose under 
the foot of the bed where the ax had been placed for safe- 
keeping, and took it off for a leather string that had been 
wrapped around the split helve." ' 

They now pushed on at a slow rate on account of 

1 Senate Ex. Doc. No. j? f Forty-first Congress, Third Session. 



WHITMAN'S RIDE 161 

the depth of snow and the great severity of the cold. 
They continued to suffer severely from want of pro- 
visions and were compelled to eat the flesh of mules, 
dogs, and other animals. Arriving at Fort Taos, they 
rested about two weeks, being completely worn out 
and emaciated by hunger and constant exposure. 



CHAPTER XIII 

FROM FORT TAOS 

AT Fort Taos they exchanged their worn-out 
animals for fresh ones, and purchased necessary- 
supplies for their future journey. Then they set for- 
ward for Bent's Fort on the Arkansas River above 
Fort Lyon, and not far from the present La Junta, in 
Colorado. Their route, as described by Lovejoy in a 
letter to Dr. Atkinson, lay through Santa F6, the 
present capital of New Mexico, and the oldest town in 
the United States, except St. Augustine. From Santa 
F6 they passed through or around the mountains, and 
turning to a northeasterly direction, pushed forward 
towards the Arkansas River by a well-traveled trail, 
which, however, was of far less use in the winter than 
it would have been in the summer. 

On the 29th of December, while on their way be- 
tween Taos and the Arkansas, they met George Bent, 
the brother of Governor Bent, who told them that a 
party of mountain men would leave Bent's Fort in a 
few days for St. Louis, but that he thought it would 
be impossible for them to reach the fort with their pack 
animals in season to join the company. Of the rest 
of their journey General Lovejoy writes thus: 

" The Doctor, being very anxious to join the party 
so that he could push on as rapidly as possible to Wash- 

162 



FROM FORT TAOS 163 

ington, concluded to leave myself and guide with the ani- 
mals, and he himself taking his best horse, with some 
bedding and a small allowance of provisions, started 
alone, hoping by rapid travel to reach the fort in time to 
join the St. Louis party; but to do so he would have to 
travel on the Sabbath, something he had not done before. 
Myself and guide traveled on slowly and reached the fort 
in four days [Tuesday, Jan. 3, 1843 *], but imagine our 
astonishment when on making enquiry about the Doctor we 
were told that he had not arrived nor had he been heard 
of. I learned that the party for St, Louis was camped at 
the Big Cottonwood, forty miles from the fort, and at my 
request Mr. Savery sent an express, telling the party not 
to proceed any farther until he learned something of Dr. 
Whitman's whereabouts, as he wished to accompany them 
to St. Louis. Being furnished by the gentlemen of the fort 
with a suitable guide I started in search of the Doctor 
[Wednesday, the 4th] and traveled up the river about one 
hundred miles. I learned from the Indians that a man had 
been there who was lost and was trying to find Bent's Fort. 
They said they had directed him to go down the river and 
how to find the fort. I knew from their description it was 
the Doctor. I returned to the fort as rapidly as possible, 
but the Doctor had not arrived [this was Friday, the 6th]. 
We had all become very anxious about him. 

" Late in the afternoon he came in very much fatigued 
and desponding ; said that he knew that God had bewildered 
him to punish him for traveling on the Sabbath. During 
the whole trip he was very regular in his morning and even- 
ing devotions, and that was the only time I ever knew him 
to travel on the Sabbath." 3 

Here Dr. Whitman and his companion separated. 
Mr. Lovejoy was completely worn out by the hard- 
ships of the journey. He remained here to rest and 
recuperate and, as he says in this same letter, he 
"joined the Doctor the following July near Fort 
Laramie, on his way to Oregon with a train of emi- 
grants." The next morning, January 7th, after giving 

1 The dates here given are compiled from the best authorities and are 
believed to be correct. 2 Lovejoy 's letter. 



i6 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

himself only one night's rest, the Doctor started to 
overtake the party of mountain men. 

It is to be regretted that no account can be obtained 
of that long journey from Bent's Fort on the upper 
Arkansas to the frontier settlements on the western 
borders of Missouri. The distance is more than four 
hundred miles, and the trail which he followed lay for 
about half the distance along the banks of the Arkan- 
sas to Great Bend, thence across the country to the 
Smoky Hill River, and down that and the Kansas 
River to the junction of the latter with the Missouri. 
A few miles to the south of the junction of these two 
rivers was the little town of Westport, Missouri. It 
would seem that Dr. Whitman would have arrived 
at Westport toward the last of January. How long 
he stayed in this vicinity we do not know, but evi- 
dently long enough to put in operation plans to aid in 
raising a large company of emigrants the following 
spring to go over to Oregon. It seems probable that 
Mr. Lovejoy also would busy himself in giving in- 
formation to these frontiersmen, and perhaps he may 
have induced many to prepare to go to Oregon. Of 
the condition of affairs here we are told : 

" He found many of the now old Oregonians, Waldo, Ham- 
tree, Keyser, and others who had once made calculations to 
go to Oregon but had abandoned the idea, because of the 
representations from Washington that every attempt to take 
wagons and ox teams through the Rocky and Blue moun- 
tains to the Columbia had failed. Dr. Whitman saw at 
once what the stopping of wagons at Fort Hall every year 
meant. The representations purported to come from Secre- 
tary Webster, but really from Governor Simpson, who, mag- 
nifying the statements of his chief trader, Grant, at Fort 
Hall, declared the Americans must be going mad, from 
their repeated fruitless attempts to take wagons and teams 
through these impassable regions to the Columbia, and that 



FROM FORT TAOS 165 

the women and children of these wild fanatics had been 
saved from a terrible death only by the repeated and philan- 
thropic labors of Mr. Grant, at Fort Hall, in furnishing 
them with horses. The Doctor told these men as he met 
them that his only object in crossing the mountains in the 
dead of winter, at the risk of his life, and through untold 
sufferings, was to take back an American emigration the 
following summer through the mountains to the Columbia, 
with their wagons and their teams. The route was prac- 
ticable. We had taken our cattle and our families through 
seven years before. They had nothing to fear; but to be 
ready at his return. The stopping of wagons at Fort Hall 
was a Hudson's Bay Company's scheme to prevent the 
settling of the country by Americans till they could occupy 
it with their own subjects from the Selkirk settlement. 
This news spread like fire through Missouri, as will be seen 
by Mr. Zachrey' s statement." 1 

The statement referred to is made in a letter from 
John Zachrey to Mr. Spalding, dated February 7, 
1868. He says: 

" My father and his family emigrated to Oregon in 1843, 
from the state of Texas. I was then seventeen years old. 
The occasion of my father's starting that season for this 
country, as also several of our neighbors, was the publica- 
tion by Dr. Whitman, or from his representations, concern- 
ing Oregon and the route from the States to Oregon. On 
the pamphlet the Doctor described Oregon, the soil, climate, 
and its desirableness for American colonists, and said that 
he had crossed the Rocky Mountains that winter principally 
to take back that season a train of wagons to Oregon. We 
had been told that wagons could not be taken beyond Fort 
Hall. But in this pamphlet the Doctor assured his country- 
men that wagons could be taken through from Fort Hall 
to the Columbia River, and to The Dalles, and thence 
by boat to the Willamette; that himself and mission party 
had taken their families, cattle, and wagons through to the 
Columbia, six years before. It was this assurance of the 
missionary that induced my father and several of his neigh- 
bors to sell out and start at once for this country." a 

1 Mr. Spalding's lecture. 

9 Letter of John Zachrey in Senate Ex. Doc. No. jy t Forty-first Con- 
gress, Third Session. 



166 MARCUS WHITMAN 

From the above it would appear that Dr. Whitman 
talked over with those brave pioneers the route, the 
resources of Oregon, its climate, productions, etc., 
and arranged for them to publish a pamphlet, quoting 
him as authority, designed to induce men to join the 
party which would start the following spring. Other 
circumstances conduced also to turn attention to Ore- 
gon at this time. Burnett, in his Recollections > x says: 

11 During the winter of 1842-43 the congressional report 
of Senator Appleton in reference to Oregon fell into my 
hands, and was read with great care. This able report 
contained a very accurate description of that country. At 
the same time there was a bill pending in Congress, intro- 
duced in the Senate by Dr. Linn, one of the senators from 
Missouri, which proposed to donate to each emigrant six hun- 
dred and forty acres of land for himself, and one hundred 
and sixty acres for each child. I had a wife and six children, 
and would therefore be entitled to sixteen hundred acres. 
There was a fair prospect of the ultimate passing of the bill." 

The Doctor encouraged them to make persistent 
efforts to gather together as large a company as pos- 
sible, and said that he would return after he had been 
to Washington and accompany them across the plains 
and over the mountains. He then left the frontier and 
pushed on to St. Louis. 

Dr. Eells told the writer that Dr. Whitman's dress 
upon this journey consisted of buckskin trousers, a 
waistcoat, and a blue English duffle coat. This 
" duffle" was firm, close-woven, and thicker than a 
" Mackinaw blanket." Over this he wore a buffalo 
overcoat, which was a few inches shorter than the 
duffle. Dr. Whitman remarked to Dr. Eells, in describ- 
ing this dress (putting his hands down towards his knee, 
to illustrate), that it was M rather fantastic for a mis- 
sionary, a buffalo coat with a blue border." 

1 Peter H. Burnett, Recollections of an Old Pioneer \ p. 97. 



CHAPTER XIV 

DR. WHITMAN IN WASHINGTON 

REV. WILLIAM BARROWS, D.D., who met 
Dr. Whitman in St. Louis, states that he was 
in great haste to reach Washington. He says: 

" In those times it was a rare possibility for one to come 
up in midwinter from Bent's Fort or Santa Fe, much more 
from Fort Hall and the Columbia. The Rocky Mountain 
men, trappers and traders, the adventurers in New Mexico, 
and the contractors for our military posts, laying up vast 
fortunes, half from the Government and half from the poor 
Indians, gathered about Dr. Whitman for fresh news from 
their places of interest. 

? ' What about furs and peltries ? How many buffalo robes 
would come down by June on the spring rise of the Mis- 
souri ? Were Indian goods at the posts flush, or fair, or 
scant supply ? 

" But the Doctor was in great haste, and could not delay 
to talk of beaver and Indian goods, and wars, and reserva- 
tions, and treaties. He had questions and not answers. 
Was the Ashburton treaty concluded ? Did it cover the 
Northwest ? Where and what and whose did it leave Ore- 
gon ? He was soon answered. Webster and Ashburton 
had signed that treaty on the 9th of August preceding. 

" Then, instantly, he had other questions for his St. 
Louis visitors. Was the Oregon question under discussion 
in Congress ? What opinions, projects, or bills concern- 
ing it were being urged in Senate and House ? Would 
anything important be settled before the approaching 
adjournment on the fourth of March ? Could he reach 
Washington before the adjournment ? He must leave at 
once, and he went. 

167 



168 MARCUS WHITMAN 

" With all the warmth and almost burden of skin and 
fur clothing, he bore the marks of the irresistible cold and 
merciless storms of his journey. His fingers, ears, nose 
and feet had been frost-bitten, and were giving him much 
trouble. 

" . . . Exchanging saddle for stage — for the river 
was closed by ice — he pressed on, and arrived at Washing- 
ton March 3d." 1 

Dr. S. J. Parker, of Ithaca, N. Y., son of Rev. 
Samuel Parker with whom Dr. Whitman first crossed 
the mountains, writes as follows: 

" I was at home, in the room in which I now write (as I 
own the old homestead) when Dr. Whitman, in 1843, un- 
expectedly arrived. . . . 

11 After the surprise of his arrival was over, he said to 
my father: ' I have come on a very important errand. We 
must go at once to Washington, or Oregon is lost, ceded to 
the English.' My father objected to going, and thought 
the danger less than Dr. Whitman thought it was. They 
talked several hours about it. . . . Dr. Whitman went 
either the next day or a day or two after he came to see my 
father. . . . After his return from Washington he de- 
scribed his interview with the President and others there. 
At both times the subject of emigration was talked of. Dr. 
Whitman said many in Illinois and Missouri, etc., were 
ready to go in the spring as soon as grass grew. It must 
have been February the Doctor was here." 3 

It is supposed that Dr. Whitman reached Washing- 
ton some time in February, or, at the very latest, by 
the first of March. Some writers who deny the politi- 
cal purposes and efforts of Dr. Whitman, have claimed 
that he could not have reached Washington till much 
later than the first of March. Professor Bourne, in the 
Historical Review, quotes from a letter-book in the office 

1 Rev. William Barrows, D.D., in the New York Observer, December 
21, 1882. 

8 Rev. M. Eells, Marcus Whitman. Portland, 1883. 



DR. WHITMAN IN WASHINGTON 169 

of the American Board at Boston, making Whitman 
himself say that he arrived at Westport, Missouri, on 
the 15th of February. But it should be noticed that 
the quotation is not from Whitman's own writing. 
It is from a memorandum submitted to the Prudential 
Committee, April 4, 1843. This memorandum was 
evidently prepared by some one who had heard what 
Whitman had said. Probably notes were taken of 
Whitman's statements and written out afterwards to 
put on record. This date itself is an interpolation. 
At first it was written as follows: " Left the Oregon 
country 3 October 1842 and arrived in Boston 30 
March 1843." Then, after the word " arrived," was 
interlined: " At Westport, Mo., 15 February and." 

If this date be correct how can it be reconciled with 
Lovejoy's statement in his letter to Dr. Atkinson 
that Whitman left Bent's Fort January 7th ? The dis- 
tance from Bent's Fort to Westport is something over 
four hundred miles. It would be strange if this party 
of mountain men going on business to St. Louis 
should travel at the rate of only ten miles a day, 
especially when the entire distance lay through a 
level country and over a well-defined trail. 

And moreover, even if this date is correct, it merely 
places the time of his arrival in Washington after the 
adjournment of Congress, and by no means vitiates 
the fact that Whitman went to Washington, even 
though it has generally been understood that he 
reached there before March 4th. We know that he 
had interviews with the President and members of the 
cabinet, together with some members of Congress, and 
his influence with the government could have been 
just as great after Congress had adjourned as before. 

Governor Ramsey, the well-known statesman, once 



170 MARCUS WHITMAN 

governor of Minnesota Territory, in a letter from Salt 
Lake City, dated August 15, 1883, says: 

" In the winter of 1842-43 I visited Washington and called 
upon Hon. Joshua Giddings who was at that time boarding 

at Mrs. 's on Capitol Hill, in what was then called 

1 Duff Green's Row.' The building is still standing. 
When so visiting, Mr. Giddings introduced me to Dr. 
Whitman, who talked to me and others of the difficulties 
of his journey, of the character of the country, Indian 
affairs, British encroachments, etc." 

Exactly what happened in Washington is difficult to 
determine. From the best reports we feel quite sure 
that the following account is not far from the truth. 

On arriving at Washington Whitman first sought an 
interview with Daniel Webster, then Secretary of 
State under President Tyler. He found Mr. Webster 
strongly impressed with the idea that Oregon was use- 
less to our country on account of the impassable char- 
acter of the mountains. It was plainly apparent to 
Dr. Whitman that Lord Ashburton, Sir George Simp- 
son, and others with British proclivities had thoroughly 
indoctrinated our statesmen with the idea that the 
Rocky Mountains were impassable to wagons, that 
Oregon could not be peopled from the States, and 
therefore its value to this country was very small. 

Dr. Whitman tried to convince Mr. Webster that 
he was the victim of false representations with regard 
to the character of the region, and told him that he 
intended to take over a train of emigrants to Oregon 
the coming summer. After a protracted interview 
with Mr. Webster, Dr. Whitman took leave thoroughly 
disheartened. 

Nothing daunted, however, the Doctor obtained 
through Senator Linn of Missouri, a staunch and firm 



DR. WHITMAN IN WASHINGTON 171 

friend of Oregon, an interview with President Tyler. 
He found that the President entertained precisely the 
same views of the uselessness of Oregon to the United 
States that he had just heard from Mr. Webster. He 
told the President that he had been over the moun- 
tains himself four times, once in the dead of winter; 
that he had taken a wagon over seven years before ; and 
that it was his intention to carry a large delegation to 
Oregon from the frontier that spring. 

Dr. Whitman argued his case, not only before the 
President, but before senators and representatives, 
endeavoring to impress upon them all the value of the 
country, its excellent soil, healthful climate, and its 
importance to this nation in the future. He pressed 
upon them the fact that a large emigration would go 
across the mountains during the next season, and that 
they, being American citizens, would claim protection 
from the national government. 

Finally, we are told that the President gave his de- 
cision to the following effect : 

"Although his representations of Oregon and the possi- 
bility of reaching it by wagon route were in direct contra- 
diction to those of Governor Simpson, yet his frozen limbs 
were sufficient proof of his sincerity, and his missionary 
character was sufficient guarantee of his honesty, and he 
would, therefore, as President, rest upon them and act accord- 
ingly. If the Doctor could establish a wagon route through 
the mountains to the Columbia River, hitherto pronounced 
impassable, he would use his influence to hold Oregon." ' 

Having received a conditional promise of protection 
if his emigration should succeed, Dr. Whitman assured 
the President that the emigrants would go over, and 
that they would look to him to protect them when they 
had reached their destination, and would expect the 

1 Rev. Mr. Spalding. 



172 MARCUS WHITMAN 

moral support of the government and the necessary 
legislation by Congress. The President promised him 
protection and wished him success in his arduous and 
patriotic undertakings. 

Dr. Whitman's intensely loyal, patriotic, and Chris- 
tian heart bounded with delight. If now he could 
succeed in opening a wagon road through the moun- 
tains to the Columbia River, he felt sure that we 
should hold Oregon securely for freedom and the Pro- 
testant religion. As he afterwards expressed it to his 
coworker, Mr. Spalding, he was at once filled with a 
strong belief that, " God giving him life and strength, 
he would connect the Missouri and Columbia with a 
wagon track so deep and plain that neither national 
envy nor sectional fanaticism would ever blot it out." ' 

The following letter from President Tyler of the 
College of William and Mary would seem to offer con- 
clusive proof (i) that Whitman saw the President, 
John Tyler, (2) that he was full of his project of 
saving Oregon to the United States, and (3) that he 
was encouraged by the President. 

Williamsburg, Va., June 6, 1898. 
Dear Sir: 

I wish I could give you full evidence on the subject of 
Whitman's labors for Oregon. All the evidence I have is: 
(1) The President's message, showing his anxiety to en- 
courage emigration to the Oregon; (2) The statement in 
Barrows's history of Oregon (See " Tylers," II., p. 439); 
(3) The statement of Dr. Silas Reed, who saw Whitman in 
Washington, (" Tylers," II., p. 697); (4) The oral state- 
ment of John Tyler, Jr., the private secretary of President 
Tyler, who told me that he remembered Whitman very well, 
that he was in Washington, 1842-43, full of his project to 
carry emigrants to Oregon, that he waited on the President 
and received from him the heartiest concurrence in his 
plans, etc. See the 3d Annual message of the President. 

1 Senate Ex. Doc. No. 37, Forty-first Congress, Third Session. 



DR. WHITMAN IN WASHINGTON 173 

His policy was to establish a line of forts from Council 
Bluffs to the mouth of the Columbia, in order to protect 
the emigrants along that route, and to encourage the ex- 
ploration of the Rocky Mountains through Fremont, etc. 
At the same time he did all he could to promote the settle- 
ment of the dispute with Great Britain. To Hugh S. Le- 
gare he wrote May 16, 1843, " we should lose no time in 
opening a negotiation relative to the Oregon." (See 
"Tylers," III., p. 111). 
I am, dear Sir, 

Very truly yours, 

(Signed) Lyon G. Tyler. 
Dr. William A. Mowry. 

In another connection President Tyler said : 

14 To Mr. Tyler's sensible encouragement of Whitman, 
the missionary, in hastening over emigrants, and his selec- 
tion of John C. Fremont to explore the Rocky Mountains, 
was due the success of the United States in preventing 
Great Britain from getting possession of Oregon and the 
California coast. The treaty consummated under the Polk 
administration, defining the Northwestern boundary, has its 
beginning with Mr. Tyler, though he did not remain in 
office long enough to effect its conclusion." 1 

1 Lyon Gardiner Tyler, LL.D., President of William and Mary Col- 
lege, son of President John Tyler. 



CHAPTER XV 

DR. WHITMAN IN BOSTON 

HAVING accomplished what he could at Washing- 
ton, Whitman now proceeded to Boston to 
interview the officers of the American Board in regard 
to the best interests of the Oregon mission. We must 
here keep in mind that the two objects for which 
Whitman made his perilous journey are quite distinct 
the one from the other. The rules of the Board of 
Missions require that, except in extraordinary circum- 
stances, a missionary must secure permission from the 
home office before he is authorized to leave his work 
and come home. If circumstances are such as to ren- 
der it impossible to wait for such permission, then he 
must have a written permit from his fellow missionaries. 
Whitman had deemed the case sufficiently pressing to 
require him to go east from Oregon without waiting 
for the permit from the home office. In that opinion 
Spalding and Gray agreed; Walker and Eells were 
slow to give their approval. They, however, acquiesced 
and agreed to the plan. They gave Dr. Whitman a 
letter to Rev. David Greene, Secretary of the Board, 
which included the following resolution : 

" Resolved, That if arrangements can be made to continue 
the operations of this station [*. e., while Dr. Whitman was 
away], Dr. Marcus Whitman be at liberty and advised to 
visit the United States as soon as practicable to confer with 

i74 



DR. WHITMAN IN BOSTON 175 

the Committee of the American Board of Commissioners 

for Foreign Missions. 

(Signed) " E. Walker, Moderator, 
Cushing Eells, Scribe, 
H. H. Spalding. 

" WAIILATPU, September 28, 1842." 

On the back of this letter is the following: " By 
Marcus Whitman, M.D. This letter, October 3, 
1842." 

The letter is addressed : 

" Rev. David Greene, 

" Sec. A. B. C F. M., 

" Missionary House, 

"Boston." 

It is further endorsed : " Received 30th March, 1843." 
This letter fixes the date of the meeting of the mis- 
sionaries called by Dr. Whitman, as September 26, 27, 
28, 1842. The letter was given the third and last day 
of the meeting. It also fixes March 30, 1843, as tne 
date of his arrival in Boston. 

Let us endeavor to imagine the reception which 
awaited Dr. Whitman when he presented himself at 
the mission rooms, on Pemberton Square, in Boston. 
It should be observed that the executive officers of 
this missionary society are called secretaries, and that 
the general policy of the work — appointment of mis- 
sionaries, control of the missionaries, guiding of the 
work, etc. — is in the hands of the " Prudential Com- 
mittee." This Prudential Committee consists of a 
number of ministers and prominent business men, 
most of whom reside in or near Boston, and for many 
years the committee has transacted its business at 
regular meetings held every Tuesday afternoon. 

The secretary who had special charge of the corre- 



176 MARCUS WHITMAN 

spondence with the Oregon missionaries was Rev. 
David Greene. When Dr. Whitman appeared at his 
office, Mr. Greene must have looked at him in great as- 
tonishment. The five years of frontier life had de- 
cidedly changed his features. He was thin and gaunt 
from the hardships and sufferings of that long winter 
journey. The secretary must have been exceedingly 
surprised to see him there. It would be perfectly 
natural for him to inquire of the missionary, " Why 
are you here }" and very likely he chided him for 
absenting himself from the work without permission. 
Doubtless he quizzed him sharply, especially in view 
of the internal difficulties and dissensions which had 
existed among the missionaries and of which the sec- 
retary must have been painfully conscious. But Dr. 
Whitman was able to give satisfactory reasons for his 
presence and to state clearly to the secretary the 
condition and the needs of the mission. 

It should not be forgotten that the evidence of 
Whitman's whole life goes to show very clearly that 
he was not only a man of strong purpose and great 
powers of fearless execution, but also a reticent man 
and absolutely self-contained. Whatever purpose he 
entertained, he went straight at it and accomplished 
that purpose, but his habit was the very opposite of 
garrulousness. Before he started on this great journey, 
he had said as little as possible to his brethren about 
bringing over an immigration and about political mat- 
ters. He had good grounds for not mentioning this 
reason for his journey to Mr. McKinley of the Hud- 
son's Bay Company, and to Captain Grant at Fort 
Hall. Now he could talk unreservedly with the secre- 
tary and the Prudential Committee of the Board 
concerning the wants and conditions of the mission ; 



DR. WHITMAN IN BOSTON 177 

but it may be that he did not mention at all his trip 
to Washington or his intention concerning the emi- 
gration. His business with the secretary and the 
committee concerned the wants of the mission. He 
talked with them no more concerning political affairs 
than he had talked with President Tyler and Secre- 
tary Webster concerning missionary affairs. 

Matters relating to the business of the Board are 
usually talked over between the secretary and the 
members of the Prudential Committee, and then intelli- 
gent action is taken by the committee. Doubtless Dr. 
Whitman had interviews with members of the com- 
mittee as well as with the secretary previous to the 
regular meeting of the committee. It should be re- 
membered that nine days before Whitman presented 
himself at the mission house, the Prudential Commit- 
tee had, as appears by the following minute, refused 
to change their previous action ordering radical 
changes in the work and the personnel of the mission. 

The minutes of the Prudential Committee, March 
21, 1843, rea d as follows: 

" A joint letter from Rev. Messrs. Walker, Eells, and 
Spalding in behalf of the Oregon mission was laid before 
the Prudential Committee relating to the condition of that 
mission. But the committee saw no occasion to alter the 
decision made in respect to that mission in February^ 
1842." ' 

On the 4th of April, Dr. Whitman was present at 
the meeting of the Prudential Committee. He ex- 
plained the condition of affairs at the mission and told 
what he thought was needed. He answered all ques- 
tions, and after his withdrawal the committee ordered 
to be entered upon their records the following minute : 

1 From the archives of the Board. 



178 MARCUS WHITMAN 

I * Statements having been made to the Committee relative 
to the condition and prospects of the Oregon Mission and 
to the action of the mission in view of the resolutions of 
the Committee adopted the 15th and 22d of February, 1842, 
relating to changes in that mission, it was, in compliance 
with the desire of the missionaries, 

II Resolved, That Dr. Marcus Whitman and Rev. H. H. 
Spalding be authorized to continue to occupy the stations 
of Waiilatpu and Clearwater, as they did previous to the 
adoption of the resolution referred to above. 

" Resolved, That Mr. William H. Gray and wife of the 
same mission be, at his request, released from further con- 
nection with the Board. 

11 Resolved, That a missionary be sent to strengthen the 
Oregon Mission, if a suitable person can be obtained." 

The following extract is also taken from the minutes 
of the Prudential Committee, at the same meeting, 
April 4th : 

" . . . Dr. Whitman, recently arrived from that mis- 
sion, had a brief interview with the Committee. A plan 
which he proposed, for taking with him, on his return to the 
mission, a small company of intelligent and pious laymen, 
to settle at or near the mission station, but without expense 
to the Board or any connection with it, was so far approved 
that he was authorized to take such men, if those of a suit- 
able character, and with whom satisfactory arrangements 
could be made, can be found." 

It will readily be seen from these extracts that Dr. 
Whitman's visit to Boston had a marked effect upon 
the minds of the Prudential Committee. His heart 
must have bounded with joy when he received a copy 
of these minutes. They had granted all he asked, — 
more than he hoped for. 

1. The stations should remain as they were. 

2. Mr. Spalding should be retained. 

3. The committee concurred in the action of the 
mission in releasing Mr. Gray and his wife from con- 
nection with the Board. 



DR. WHITMAN IN BOSTON 179 

4. An additional missionary, if a suitable person 
could be obtained, should be sent to strengthen the 
force. 

5. The Board sanctioned Whitman's plan of carry- 
ing out with him business men " to settle at or near the 
mission station." 

It should not be unnoticed that whatever feelings 
Whitman may have had toward the faults of Mr. 
Spalding, he now ignored them entirely, and success- 
fully urged that his services should be continued. As 
already seen, the missionaries had come to a clear 
understanding among themselves, and Whitman with 
all magnanimity now stood by Spalding and besought 
the Board to continue him in his work. His request 
was granted. 

These records of the Board show what great con- 
fidence the Prudential Committee had in Dr. Whit- 
man. He had come east without their sanction. By 
so doing he had, in a sense, merited their disapproba- 
tion. The dissensions among several members of the 
mission would tend to make the committee careful in 
their judgment. Yet Whitman's bearing, his state- 
ment of facts and conditions, his spirit and motives, 
were so transparent and commendable that they did 
not hesitate a moment, but accepted his version of 
affairs and his judgment, and granted without delay 
all that he asked or wanted. They were evidently 
touched by his honesty of purpose, his broad views, 
and his magnanimity, and they trusted his judgment in 
every respect. 

Wishing to know more of the condition of the In- 
dians west of the mountains, the secretary asked Dr. 
Whitman, while he was in Boston, to write him a letter 
upon that subject. Dr. Whitman responded at once, 



i8o MARCUS WHITMAN 

and on the 7th of April sent Secretary Greene the 
desired letter, which will be found in the appendix. 
This letter has never before been published, and is 
copied from the original document in Dr. Whitman's 
handwriting, now in the archives of the American 
Board at Boston. Its substance and its composition 
are surely creditable to Dr. Whitman's spirit, interest 
in his work, and knowledge of the Indians. That he 
should be able to sit down in Boston with no memo- 
randa and no aids of any kind, and write a letter so full, 
so clear, and so correct, speaks well for his missionary 
spirit and his ability. 



CHAPTER XVI 

DR. WHITMAN RETURNS WEST 

DR. WHITMAN now turned his course from Bos- 
ton once more westward. He visited his old 
home in New York, sold his patrimony, and then 
made a flying visit to his friend Rev. Samuel Parker, 
in Ithaca, New York. From there he pushed forward 
to St. Louis. 

On May 12th he wrote a letter from St. Louis to 
Secretary Greene of the American Board, from which 
the following extract is made : 

M I wish to call your attention to a work of Rev. de Smet 
S. J. (Wilcox), Indian Sketches, cost one dollar. It gives 
a good account of their mission in Oregon. You will 
see by that how things are likely to affect us in that coun- 
try. He has gone to Westport to fit out his reinforcement 
for the Oregon and then he is to return and go to Europe 
in order to take a ship with another reinforcement for the 
Oregon. I will try and give you fuller information about 
his movements before I leave the States. I think by a 
careful consideration of this book, together with these facts 
and movements, you will realize our feeling that we must 
look with much interest upon this, the only spot on the 
Pacific coast left, where the Protestants have a present hope 
of a foothold. It is requisite that more good, pious men 
and ministers go to Oregon without delay, as citizens, or our 
hope there is greatly clouded if not destroyed. 

'■ I will try and give you further reasons on this point to 
urge us on to action and to give us ground of confidence. 

" I hope no time will be lost in seizing every favorable 

181 



i8 2 MARCUS WHITMAN 

means of inducing good men to favor the interest of the 
Oregon. 

' ' Hoping to be able to give you more facts to guide you, 
" I remain, Dear Sir, 
" Yours truly, 

(Signed) " Marcus Whitman." 

This extract, like many others from Whitman's pen, 
shows his strong desire that Oregon should be saved 
for the United States and the Protestant religion. 

The emigrants made their rendezvous at a place 
about twelve miles west of Independence, and just 
beyond the Missouri state line. They began to 
gather there early in the month of May. On the 18th 
they called a general meeting at which a committee 
was appointed with this purpose, as reported by 
George Wilkes, a member of the party : 

11 to return to Independence and make inquiries of Dr. 
Whitman, missionary, who had an establishment on the 
Walla Walla, respecting the practicabilities of the road, 
and an adjournment was made to the 20th to Elm Grove 
[Burnett says at the ' Big Springs '] at a little distance off, 
for the purpose of making final arrangements for the reg- 
ular government of the expedition." ' 

Burnett says: " On the 20th I attended the meeting 
at the Big Springs, where I met Col. John Thornton, 
Col. Bartleson, Mr. Rickman, and Dr. Whitman. At 
this meeting rules and regulations were adopted." a 

These rules and regulations are given in full by 
Wilkes. They are as follows : 

RESOLUTIONS OF THE OREGON EMIGRATING SOCIETY 

Resolved, Whereas we deem it necessary for the govern- 
ment of all societies, either civil or military, to adopt 

1 George Wilkes, History of Oregon, p. 67. 

2 Peter H. Burnett, Recollections of an Old Pioneer, p. 101. 



DR. WHITMAN RETURNS WEST 183 

certain rules and regulations for their government, for the 
purpose of keeping good order, and promoting civil and 
military discipline ; therefore, in order to insure union and 
safety, we adopt the following rules and regulations for the 
government of said company. 

Rule 1 st. Every male person of the age of sixteen or 
upwards shall be considered a legal voter in all the affairs 
regulating the company. 

Rule 2d. There shall be nine men elected by a major- 
ity of the company, who shall form a council, whose duty it 
shall be to settle all disputes arising between individuals, 
and to try, and pass sentence on all persons for any act of 
which they may be guilty, which is subversive of good 
order and military discipline. They shall take especial 
cognizance of sentinels and members of the guard who may 
be guilty of neglect of duty, or of sleeping on their posts. 
Such persons shall be tried and sentence passed on them at 
discretion of council. A majority of two thirds of the 
council shall decide all questions that may come before 
them, subject to the approval or disapproval of the captain. 
If the captain disapprove of the decision of the council, he 
shall state to them his reasons, when they shall again pass 
upon the question, and if the decision is again made by the 
same majority, it shall be final. 

Rule 3d. There shall be a captain elected, who shall 
have supreme military command of the company. It shall 
be the duty of the captain to maintain good order and strict 
discipline, and as far as practicable, to enforce all rules 
and regulations adopted by the company. Any man who 
shall be guilty of disobeying orders, shall be tried and sen- 
tenced at the discretion of the council, which may extend 
to expulsion from the company. The captain shall appoint 
the requisite number of duty sergeants, one of whom shall 
take charge of every guard, and who shall hold their offices 
at the pleasure of the captain. 

Rule 4th. There shall be an orderly sergeant elected 
by the company, whose duty it shall be to keep a regular 
roll, arranged in alphabetical order, of every person subject 
to guard duty in the company, and shall make out his guard 
details by commencing at the top of the roll and proceed- 
ing to the bottom — thus giving every man an equal turn of 
guard duty. He shall also give every member of the guard 
notice when he is detailed for duty. He shall also parade 



i8 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

every guard, call the roll and inspect the time of mounting. 
He shall also visit the guard at least once every night, and 
see that they are doing strict military duty, and may at any 
time give them the necessary instructions respecting their 
duty, and shall regularly make report to the captain every 
morning and be considered second in command. 

Rule 5th. The captain, orderly sergeant, and members 
of the council, shall hold their offices at the pleasure of the 
company, and it shall be the duty of the council, upon the 
application of one third or more of the company, to order 
a new election, for either captain, orderly sergeant, or new 
member or members of the council, or for all or any of 
them as the case may be. 

Rule 6th. The election for officers shall not take place 
until the company meet at Kansas River. 

Rule 7th. No family shall be allowed to take more 
than three loose cattle to every male member of the age of 
sixteen or upwards. 

Wilkes comments on these resolutions thus : 

" I hardly need state that many of these remarkable reg- 
ulations remained, as from their very nature they needs 
must, a dead letter. The convocation, however, had per- 
formed the chief business they were called to accomplish, 
and each man at the adjournment sought his quarters with 
the conviction that he had taken part in a proceeding but 
little short in point of dignity and grand importance to the 
declaration of independence itself." ' 

Dr. Whitman, on the 30th of May, wrote another 
letter to Secretary Greene, which will be found in full 
in the appendix. In this letter Dr. Whitman says: 

" We do not ask you to become the patrons of emigra- 
tion to Oregon, but we desire you to use your influence 
that in connection with all the influx into the country there 
may be a fair proportion of good men of our own denom- 
ination who shall avail themselves of the advantages of the 
country in common with others." 

He further says: " You will see by his book [De 

1 Wilkes, History of Oregon, pp. 70, 71, 



DR. WHITMAN RETURNS WEST 185 

Smet's], I think, that the papal effort is designed to 
convey over the country to the English." Dr. Whit- 
man also calls Mr. Greene's attention to another mat- 
ter, viz. : 

" the operations of Farnham of Salem and the Bensons of 
New York in Oregon. I am told credibly that secretly 
Government aids them with the secret service fund. Cap- 
tain Howard of Maine is also in expectation of being 
employed by Government to take out emigrants by ship 
should the Oregon bill pass." 

These extracts show how earnest Whitman was on 
the political and Protestant side of this great question 
and how thoroughly posted he was as to what was 
going on in connection therewith. It is almost certain 
that some of this information was received while he 
was in Washington. 

At the beginning of the letter just referred to the 
statement is made that " the emigrants have some of 
them just gone and others have been gone a week, 
and some are yet coming on." From this and the 
various accounts written by different members of this 
great party of emigrants it would seem that from the 
very start they were divided into several bands. 

Burnett says: " On the 22d of May, 1843, a general 
start was made from the rendezvous, and we reached 
Elm Grove, about fifteen miles distant, about 3 P.M." 
They had appointed John Gant as guide, and George 
Wilkes says that they agreed to halt " at the Kansas 
River for a final organization in the election of the 
commander and other officers." According to Burnett, 
they reached the Kansas River on the 26th and 
" finished crossing it on the 31st. At this crossing we 
met Fathers De Smet and De Vos, missionaries to the 
Flathead Indians. On the 1st of June we organized 



186 MARCUS WHITMAN 

our company by electing Peter H. Burnett as captain, 
J. W. Nesmith as orderly sergeant, and nine council- 
men." 

Apparently this was the first and foremost party, 
probably the largest. The other parties followed, 
and all were later than had been anticipated because 
of the lateness of the spring. They were obliged to 
wait until the grass should be sufficiently grown to 
furnish grazing for their cattle. Whitman overtook 
the main party at the Platte River. 

Having now started this great emigration on its 
way to Oregon, let us consider the various causes 
which led to the organization of so large a company of 
emigrants to that far-off land of the setting sun, and 
inquire carefully what was Whitman's part in promot- 
ing this important emigration. 



CHAPTER XVII 

CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843 

SOME writers who have told the story of Whitman's 
ride have, as we have seen, written as though 
Dr. Whitman was the sole cause of this great emigra- 
tion. Their minds have dwelt upon his heroic ride, 
and perhaps without a critical search for other causes 
tending to bring about such an emigration, they have 
honestly and innocently taken it for granted that 
Whitman was the sole cause, or at least the principal 
cause, of organizing and carrying through the entire 
emigration. A careful examination of all the historical 
facts in this connection will show clearly that this was 
not the case. 

On the other hand, some writers, turning their at- 
tention to collateral history and finding other causes 
which would tend to induce frontiersmen to emigrate 
to the Oregon country, have denied that Whitman had 
anything to do with influencing, organizing, or carry- 
ing through the great company of 1843. They claim 
that Whitman came east in the winter of 1842 solely 
on missionary business, his purpose being simply to 
influence the Missionary Board at Boston to leave the 
southern stations in Oregon as they were and not to 
transfer him to the northern station. 

It is for us, without bias or prejudice, to search the 

187 



188 MARCUS WHITMAN 

historical records and to determine as nearly as pos- 
sible where the truth lies, — how much Whitman had to 
do with bringing about this migration and what other 
collateral causes there were to produce it. It can be 
clearly shown that Whitman was not the sole cause of 
this great westward movement. It is equally clear 
and absolutely sure that when Whitman came east in 
the fall and winter of 1842 he was largely, and we may 
say principally, moved to take that hazardous journey 
in order to influence the authorities at Washington not 
to give up Oregon but to hold it for our country, and 
in order to carry through settlers so that the Ameri- 
cans should outnumber the British in the Oregon 
country, thus insuring its American jurisdiction. We 
have already examined the motives which actuated 
Whitman in making this winter's journey across the 
continent. Had his purpose been confined solely to 
the affairs of the mission, he could have waited until 
spring and made the journey during the summer 
months; but, as he regarded it at the time, if he did 
anything to save Oregon to the United States, no time 
was to be lost. 

Let it be remembered that Dr. White with a con- 
siderable party of settlers arrived near Whitman's 
station early in September, 1842. Among them was 
young Lovejoy from Boston. From him and others 
Dr. Whitman learned that Lord Ashburton had arrived 
in Washington in April previous, and that he and 
Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, were to make a 
treaty defining our northern boundaries. This news 
strongly excited Dr. Whitman. He feared that Web- 
ster and the Senate would care nothing for Oregon, 
and in confirmation of this theory, it had already been 
announced in some quarters that our government was 



CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843 189 

willing to trade off Oregon for the Newfoundland cod 
fisheries. Whitman was alarmed. All the American 
settlers, as has already been shown, could scarcely 
outvote the British. Indeed, until the emigrants who 
had just arrived with Dr. White reached there, the 
British had outnumbered the Americans. 

Under these circumstances Whitman was disposed 
to start at once on his patriotic mission to the States. 
It was a hazardous undertaking. The mission was 
largely dependent upon the Hudson's Bay people for 
its supplies. It was certainly wise for Whitman to 
say but little about this patriotic object of his pro- 
posed journey. Still further, some of the mission- 
aries, especially Mr. Walker, deprecated a missionary's 
turning aside from strictly religious work, having been 
greatly troubled, as we have seen, that some Methodist 
missionaries had left their missionary service for other 
business; and Mr. Walker was afraid Whitman's course 
would bring a similar reproach on their mission. 

Whitman's journey was made. He had conferred 
with the authorities at Washington and visited the 
Board at Boston. He returned to the frontier. Prob- 
ably even he was surprised to find so many people 
going to Oregon. Let us see what causes had been 
operating to induce this great company to make the 
trip across the Rocky Mountains. 

In the first place, for several years discussions had 
taken place in Congress concerning the Oregon 
country. Senator Linn of Missouri had introduced 
into Congress a bill promising to give 640 acres of 
land to every settler in Oregon, and 160 acres to each 
child. This bill finally did not pass, but after its intro- 
duction it was generally supposed that it would pass. 
The Linn bill, in connection with various discussions 



i 9 o MARCUS WHITMAN 

of the Oregon question in Congress, had great influ- 
ence in turning the attention of frontiersmen to that 
distant country. Moreover, Congress had published 
and scattered broadcast much information concerning 
that territory. In 1840 the Senate had ordered Green- 
how's Memoir, Historical and Political, on the North- 
west Coast of North America ! to be printed, and 
directed that 2500 extra copies should be struck off 
for distribution by the Senate. This order passed the 
Senate February 10, 1840. The memoir contained 
228 pages of valuable information concerning our title 
to Oregon and concerning the value of that country. 
This work was enlarged and published by Little & 
Brown of Boston, in 1844, entitled The History of Ore- 
gon and California. This volume contained 482 pages. 

In the winter of 1842-43, Congress printed five 
thousand copies of Extracts from the Report of Lieu- 
tenant Wilkes to the Secretary of the Navy, of the 
Examination of the Oregon Territory. 

The full report of Wilkes's explorations in Oregon 
was refused by the Secretary of the Navy to both the 
House and the Senate, in January, 1843, f° r tne fol- 
lowing reasons: 

1. It contained a strong argument for 54 40' instead 

of 49°. 

2. It contained information about the efforts of the 
Hudson's Bay Company to occupy the territory. 

3. It made certain statements about their desire to 
make the Columbia River the dividing line. 

4. It stated that the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay 
Company would be averse to having any war on ac- 
count of their property interests in farms, flocks, and 
herds. 

1 Senate, Twenty-Sixth Congress, First Session, 174. 



CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843 191 

5. It contained information about the strategic value 
of Walla Walla. 

All of this it was impolitic to print at that time ; but 
the greater part of the report, including all that would 
stimulate migration to Oregon, was printed with the 
report of the Military Committee, and five thousand 
copies were ordered. 

These reports printed by Congress and circulated, 
especially in Missouri and vicinity, must have had 
much influence in concentrating the attention of the 
pioneers on the Oregon territory ; but without doubt 
that influence was greatly increased by the Linn bill, 
for extensive information concerning this country, 
which had been published by Congress several years 
before, had had very little influence upon these emi- 
grants. 

The report of Caleb Cushing from the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs, " in relation to the territory of Oregon 
beyond the Rocky Mountains," 1 was printed, and ten 
thousand extra copies ordered, January 4, 1839. Also 
a supplementary report by Mr. Cushing from the same 
committee upon the same subject was presented Feb- 
ruary 1 6th, and ten thousand extra copies ordered to 
be printed. These two reports showed immense re- 
search and great ability, and, together with an article 
by Mr. Cushing in the North American Review upon 
the same subject, are among the most valuable pub- 
lications upon the Oregon question. Yet they had 
little influence in promoting emigration. 

It is evident from a variety of sources of informa- 
tion that the great drawback to these would-be 
emigrants was that they could not carry their wagons 

1 House of Representatives, Twenty-Fifth Congress, Third Session, 
Rep. No. 101. 



to* MARCUS WHITMAN 

and families through the mountains. The great Rocky 
Mountain range and the Blue Mountains were supposed 
to be impassable for wagons. Whitman on his journey 
east through Texas, eastern Kansas, and the entire 
breadth of Missouri did much to overcome that fear. 

Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, 
vol. vii., p. 559, says: 

" The policy which the United States soon after devel- 
oped was one in which Great Britain could hardly compete 
and this was to possess the [Oregon] country by settlers as 
against the nominal occupancy of the fur trading company 
directed from Montreal. By 1832 this movement of occu- 
pation was fully in progress. By 1838 the interest was 
renewed in Congress, and a leading and ardent advocate 
of the American rights, Congressman Linn of Missouri, 
presented a report to the Senate and a bill for the occupa- 
tion of Oregon, June 6, 1838. A report by Caleb Cushing 
coming from the Committee on Foreign Affairs respecting 
the territory of Oregon, accompanied by a map, was pre- 
sented in January and February in 1839. 

" It was not till 1842 that the movements of aggression 
began to become prominent in politics, and immigration 
was soon assisted by Fremont's discovery of the pass over 
the Rocky Mountains at the head of the La Platte. 1 . . . 
Calhoun in 1845 took the position that the tide of immigra- 
tion was solving the difficulty and it was best to wait that 
issue and not force a conflict." a 

One more point. During the winter of 1842-43 a 
great debate on the Oregon question took place in the 
Senate, which lasted a number of weeks and brought 

1 It is evidently a mistake to speak of Fremont's ' ' discovery " of the 
South Pass. It had been " discovered " long before. 

a No settlement of the question having been attempted by Webster in 
the treaty of 1842, he had been hastily accused of a willingness to trade 
off Oregon for the fisheries. Barrows (p. 231) vindicated him. His 
position is seen in his Works, ii., p. 322 ; v., pp. 60, 63, 70, 294 ; pri- 
vate correspondence, i., pp. 215,230; Curtis's Webster, ii., pp. 173, 
257 ; Lodge's Webster, p. 265. 



CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843 193 

out a great diversity of views concerning the Oregon 
question. 

All these things had a strong tendency toward turn- 
ing the attention of many Western people to the 
Oregon country. If they could only take their wagons 
through to the Columbia they would be inclined to 
make the overland journey. Just here Whitman was 
in a position to give them the needed assurance. He 
had taken his own wagon through the mountains and 
as far as Fort Boise six years before. It is evident 
that on his way east Whitman had occasion many 
times to tell this fact, that he had carried his wagon 
through the mountains and that he could pilot them, 
wagons and all, through to the Columbia. 

It will be noticed that George Wilkes, in his ac- 
count of this expedition, tells us that a meeting of 
the emigrants was held May 18th and that a commit- 
tee was appointed " to return to Independence and 
make inquiries of Dr. Whitman, missionary, who had 
an establishment on the Walla Walla, respecting the 
practicabilities of the road" It would not be a great 
stretch of the imagination to suppose that the appoint- 
ment of this committee to wait upon Dr. Whitman was 
brought about by statements made by some of the 
emigrants concerning what Whitman had told them. 
This committee would then officially interrogate Whit- 
man, and doubtless they received from him informa- 
tion which assured the entire party that they could 
carry their wagons through to the Columbia. 

Let us now examine the evidences at hand to show 

what part properly belongs to Whitman in drawing 

together, organizing, and carrying safely through this 

great company of families for the Oregon country. 

Dr. Geiger was left by Whitman in charge of his 
13 



i 9 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

station while he made the trip east. After his return 
the two had long conversations in regard to the journey 
and its results. Dr. Geiger afterwards stated that 
" he [Dr. Whitman, when at Washington] immediately- 
sent back word to Missouri to those who wished to go 
and had it published in papers and in a pamphlet." 

Dr. S. J. Parker, son of Rev. Samuel Parker, in 
speaking of Whitman's two visits to his father, the 
one before he went to Washington and the other after 
his return from Boston in 1843, said: " At both times 
the subject of emigration was talked of. Dr. Whit- 
man said many in Illinois and Missouri, etc., were 
ready to go and would go in the spring as soon as the 
grass grew." 

Mr. S. M. Gilmore, one of the emigrants, said : 

" After I had resolved to come to Oregon I learned that 
Dr. Whitman was intending to return to Oregon — would 
be of great assistance to the emigrants. As to how many- 
he influenced I know not, but I am sure he caused many 
to come that otherwise would not have come, if they had 
not learned that he would be with them, and that he would 
be of great assistance on the journey. I first saw Dr. Whit- 
man at our rendezvous on the Missouri border, while we 
were organizing preparatory to start. ' ' 

Mr. John B. McClane said: " There were a number 
that were influenced by him to come, but I could not 
state their names at this time." Mr. William Waldo, 
another of the emigrants, testifies : 

" I have to say that Dr. Whitman was in some of the 
Eastern states in the winter of 1842 and 1843, and wrote 
several newspaper articles in relation to Oregon, and particu- 
larly in regard to the health of the country. These letters 
decided my father to move to this country, as he had al- 
ready determined to leave Missouri. ... I first saw 
him on the Big Blue River. ... I was then about ten 



CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843 195 

years of age, but I remember him very distinctly, for the 
reason that he was a very remarkable man in many respects. ' ' 

Mrs. C. B. Cary reports: " It was a pamphlet Dr. 
Whitman wrote that induced me to come to Oregon. 
Met him first on the plains." 

Mr. John Zachrey writes : 

" My father and his family emigrated to Oregon in 1843, 
from the state of Texas. I was then seventeen years old. 
The occasion of my father's starting that season for this 
country, as also several of our neighbors, was a publication 
by Dr. Whitman, or from his representations, concerning 
Oregon and the route from the States to Oregon. In the 
pamphlet the Doctor described Oregon, the soil, climate 
and its desirableness for American colonies, and said he 
had crossed the Rocky Mountains that winter, principally 
to take back that season a train of wagons to Oregon. We 
had been told that wagons could not be taken beyond Fort 
Hall ; but in this pamphlet the Doctor assured his countrymen 
that wagons could be taken from Fort Hall to the Columbia 
River, and to The Dalles, and from thence by boats to the 
Willamette; that himself and mission party had taken their 
families, cattle, and wagons through to the Columbia six 
years before. It was this assurance of the missionary that 
induced my father and several of his neighbors to sell out 
and start at once for this country. . 

(Signed) " John Zachrey." 

Hon. John Hobson writes : 

" My father's family came to St. Louis in March, 1843, 
from England, on our way to Wisconsin, but on account of 
snow and ice in the river we could not proceed, and while 
detained there we met the Doctor [Whitman] and several 
others, who were talking of coming to Oregon ; so, by his 
description of the country, and proffered assistance in get- 
ting here free of charge, my father with family, and Miles 
Eyers and family, Messrs. Thomas Smith, a Mr. Ricord, 
and J. M. Shively, all agreed to come. All came. Mr. 
Eyers was drowned in Snake River, while crossing above 
Boise. Thomas Smith went to California in 1847. Mr. 



196 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Ricord went to the Sandwich Islands and never returned. 
J. M. Shively resides in Astoria, when at home, but is now 
in California for his health. 

11 The Doctor assisted Eyers and father in purchasing 
wagons and mules in St. Louis. We went to Westport, 
through the state of Missouri, to the rendezvous, and the 
rest went by river. I do not know whether the Doctor was 
going to or on the return from Washington, but we did not 
see him any more until we met him at the Indian mission, 
a few miles from Westport, in the early part of May, where 
he assisted us in getting more teams and horses." 

Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, of the Methodist mission 
at The Dalles, wrote in 1849, as follows: 

" He [Whitman] looked upon them [the Indians] as 
doomed, at no distant day, to give place to a settlement of 
enterprising Americans. With an eye to this, he laid his 
plans and acted. His American feelings, even while en- 
gaged in his missionary toils, were . . . suffered to 
predominate. . . . He wanted to see the country set- 
tled. . . . Where were scattered a few Indian huts he 
wanted to see thrifty farm houses. Where stalked abroad 
a few broken-down Indian horses, cropping the rich grasses 
of the surrounding plain, he wanted to see grazing the cow, 
the ox, and the sheep of a happy Yankee community. 
With his eye bent on this, he was willing, meantime, to do 
what he could . . . for the poor, weak, feeble, doomed 
Oregonians." 

Dr. Whitman, on May 28, 1843, wrote a letter 
from St. Louis to his brother-in-law, Mr. J. G. 
Prentiss, in which he said : 

" You will be surprised to learn that I am here yet. I 
have been, as it were, waiting for three weeks. When I 
got to St. Louis I found I had time and so I went to 
Quincy, 111., and saw sister Jane, but Edward was not 
there. ... I shall start to-morrow or the next day. 
Some of the emigrants have been gone a week and others 
are just going. The number of men will be over two hun- 
dred, besides women and children. This tells for the 



CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843 197 

occupation of Oregon. A great many cattle are going, but 
no sheep, from a mistake of what I said when passing. 
Next year will tell for sheep. . . . You will be best 
judge what can be done, and how far you can exert your- 
self in these matters, and whether the secret service fund 
can be obtained. As now decided in my mind, this Oregon 
will be occupied by American citizens. Those who go 
only open the way for more another year. Wagons will go 
all the way, I have no doubt, this year. . . . Sheep 
and cattle, but especially sheep, are indispensable for Ore- 
gon. . . . 

" I mean to impress on the Secretary of War that sheep 
are more important to Oregon interests than soldiers. We 
want to get sheep and stock from the Government for 
Indians, instead of money for their lands. I have written 
him on the main interests of the Indian country, but I 
mean still to write him a private letter touching some par- 
ticular interests. I shall not be at all surprised to see 
some, if not all, of you on our side of the mountains. 
Jackson talked favorably." 

This letter shows that Dr. Whitman on his way west 
first came to St. Louis, then went back to Illinois, 
and there waited some time for the emigrants ; that he 
returned to the frontier, and that the emigrants started 
along at different times ; that he was trying to induce 
his friends to emigrate to Oregon; that he had said 
something about emigrants going there when he first 
passed through, as he was misunderstood about sheep ; 
and that he was in communication with the govern- 
ment, especially the Secretary of War, about Oregon. 
More of the letter is taken up with the subject of 
sheep. 

Mr. Prentiss afterwards wrote as follows : 

" If I could see and talk to you of what the Doctor said 
to me on the subject of his trip, and how anxious he was 
to continue his journey and get all to go with him he came 
in contact with in this town, and eight miles from here, at 
West Almond, where I then lived, and on his way to Cuba, 



198 MARCUS WHITMAN 

where my father and mother lived at that time, it would 
explain much that he wrote me about. 

" His project was, so far as the Indians were concerned, 
to induce the Government to pay them off for their land in 
sheep, and leave them to be a herding people. Hence he 
wrote in his letter to me about a secret fund that was con- 
trolled by the Cabinet, etc., and in his urgent solicitations 
was so anxious to have Mr. Jackson, a brother-in-law, and 
myself to go. He would have it my aged parents, Judge 
Prentiss and wife, might endure the journey, and his solic- 
itations outside of the family were just as urgent, portraying 
the beauties of that country to all that would listen to his 
story. . . ." 

The Annual Report of the A. B. C. F. M., 1884, 
p. 213, shows how that body understood the matter, 
in these words: ' The large company who crossed 
the mountains last year succeeded, under the guidance 
of Dr. Whitman, in finding a route by which they were 
able to proceed the whole distance with their wagons, 
thus greatly diminishing the hardships of the journey." 

October 18, 1847, Dr. Whitman wrote to Secretary 
Greene a letter which will be found in the appendix. 
In this letter he said : 

" Two things were accomplished by my return to the 
United States. By the establishment of the wagon-road, 
due to that effort alone, the immigration was saved from 
disaster in 1843. Upon that event the present rights of the 
United States acquired by her citizens hung, and not less 
certainly upon the result of immigration to this country the 
existence of this mission and of Protestantism in general 
hung also." 

In another letter to Mr. Greene is the following: 

" It was to open a practical [practicable] route and safe 
passage, and secure a favorable report of the journey from 
emigrants, which, in connection with other objects, caused 
me to leave my family and brave the toils and dangers of 
the journey, notwithstanding the unusual severity of the 
winter and the great depth of snow. ' ' 



CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843 199 

Then he mentions the "saving the mission from being 
broken up," as " another " object of his going. 

Immediately on his arrival in Oregon, November 
1, 1843, ne wrote as follows: 

11 Great inconvenience and expense have been incurred 
by my absence, yet I do not regret having visited the States, 
for I feel that this country must either be American or for- 
eign and mostly papal. If I never do more than to have 
established the first wagon-road to the Columbia River, and 
prevented the disaster and reaction which would have fol- 
lowed the breaking up of the present emigration, I am 
satisfied. I cannot see foreign and papal influence making 
great efforts and we hold ourselves as expatriated. I am 
determined to exert myself for my country." 

The following extract is from a letter to the Secre- 
tary of War, written by Dr. Whitman the year after 
the great emigration. The entire letter will be found 
in the appendix. He says : 

" The government will now doubtless for the first time 
be apprised through you, by means of this communication, 
of the immense migration of families to Oregon which has 
taken place this year. I have, since our interview, been 
instrumental in piloting across the route described in the 
accompanying bill, and .which is the only eligible wagon- 
road, no less than three hundred families, consisting of one 
thousand persons of both sexes, with their wagons, amount- 
ing in all to more than one hundred and twenty, six hundred 
and ninety-four oxen, and seven hundred and seventy- 
three loose cattle." 

An extract from a letter written to Rev. L. P. Jud- 
son by Dr. Whitman, dated November 5, 1846, reads 
thus: 

" I had adopted Oregon as my country, as well as the 
Indians for my field of labor, so that I must superintend 
the immigration of that year, which was to lay the founda- 
tion of the speedy settlement of the country if prosperously 
conducted and safely carried through; but if it failed and 



2oo MARCUS WHITMAN 

became disastrous, the reflex influence would be to discour- 
age for a long time any further attempt to settle the country 
across the mountains, which would be to see it abandoned 
altogether. I have returned to my field of labor, and in 
my return brought a large immigration of about one thou- 
sand individuals safely through the long, and the last part 
of it an untried, route to the western shores of the continent. 
Now that they were once safely conducted through, three 
successive immigrations have followed after them, and two 
routes for wagons are now open into the Willamette Valley. ' ' 

Much more testimony of like importance could be 
given if necessary, showing how much Whitman had 
to do in promoting this emigration. 

Of course, with such a large company divided into 
several bands, Whitman would not be known to them 
all. John Gant was their pilot from Missouri to Fort 
Hall. It has been said that the company wanted 
Dr. Whitman for a guide, but he thought he could 
be more useful otherwise. Of this we cannot be sure, 
but it is not at all an unreasonable supposition. From 
Fort Hall Whitman was the pilot for the entire com- 
pany. After reaching the Grande Ronde, having 
received information of the severe illness of Mr. Spald- 
ing and his wife, he hurried on to their station, leaving 
one of his converted and civilized Indians, Istikas by 
name, a most competent man, to pilot the company 
the rest of the way to his station. This the Indian 
did to the satisfaction of all. Dr. Whitman found Mr. 
and Mrs. Spalding somewhat better, in a fair way to 
recovery, and as soon as possible he hastened to his 
station to have his gristmill put in order by the time 
the company reached his mission. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

EIGHT HUNDRED FOR OREGON 

NOW let us follow this body of emigrants upon their 
journey. The company numbered altogether 
something over eight hundred, including women and 
children. They had about two hundred wagons and 
some fifteen hundred head of cattle. Their route lay 
nearly due west for about five hundred miles through 
the present states of Kansas and Nebraska ; then near 
the northeast corner of Colorado they changed their 
course to the northwest until they had crossed the 
North Fork of the Platte River; thence along the 
Sweetwater River, through the South Pass, and across 
to Fort Hall by way of Fort Bridger. This was the 
general line of their march. 

We learn from Burnett, who kept a brief journal 
of the trip, that his division made fifteen miles to Elm 
Grove the first day, halting at the end of the day's 
march, at 3 o'clock p.m. On the 24th they reached the 
Walcalusia River, where, he says, ' ' we let our wagons 
down the steep banks by ropes." They reached the 
Kansas River on the 26th, and finished crossing it 
five days later. 

Thence they traveled by the Blue River, a branch 
of the Kansas, until the 17th of June. On the 18th of 
June they crossed from the Blue to the Platte River, 

201 



202 MARCUS WHITMAN 

twenty-five or thirty miles, a very long day's travel. 
After entering the valley of the Platte, they wended 
their way up the banks of that river many days. At 
the point where they first saw it, the river was from a 
mile to a mile and a half wide, and its valley was about 
twenty miles wide. They ascended this river perhaps 
a hundred miles without seeing a single tributary flow- 
ing into it. 

On the 29th of June they arrived at a grove of tim- 
ber on the south bank of the South Fork of the Platte, 
along which they were journeying, — the first timber 
they had seen since they reached the Platte. They 
now prepared to cross this great river. Boats were 
constructed by tacking upon the outside of their huge 
emigrant wagons green buffalo hides, sewed together 
with the flesh side out. When the hides were 
thoroughly dried in the sun, they proceeded to ferry 
over their effects by means of these boats. They 
were four days in crossing. 

They had now traveled nearly four hundred miles 
in about forty days. In the earlier part of the journey 
they had averaged only about ten miles a day, but 
during the last eleven days they had made fifteen 
miles a day. From July 5th to the 7th they crossed 
from the South Fork to the North Fork, a distance of 
about thirty miles. On the 14th of July they arrived 
at Fort Laramie on the North Fork, in what is now 
the state of Wyoming, where they remained two days 
repairing their wagons. Here Whitman met his travel- 
ing companion of the previous winter, Mr. Lovejoy, 
who had leisurely found his way across the country 
from Bent's Fort, where Whitman left him six months 
before. From Burnett's diary we learn the price of 
supplies at this distant halting-place; coffee, $1.50 a 



EIGHT HUNDRED FOR OREGON 203 

pint; brown sugar, the same price; flour, unbolted, 
25 cents a pound; powder, $1.50 a pound; lead, 75 
cents a pound; percussion caps, $1.50 a box; calico, 
an inferior article, $1.50 a yard. 

On July 24th they crossed the North Fork by ford- 
ing. The great difficulty in crossing at this ford was 
not the depth of water, but the quicksands that formed 
the bottom of the river. When Dr. Whitman came 
up and found the drivers unable and unwilling to cross, 
he ordered a strong team to the front, and placing all 
the teams in a line, had each one chained to the one in 
front. He then ordered the drivers to get ready to 
start at the signal and to whip up their teams and in 
every way urge them forward, in order to cross all to- 
gether and as rapidly as possible ; otherwise they would 
be mired irrecoverably in the quicksand. All was 
ready ; Dr. Whitman gave the signal and they started 
upon the double quick. Amid a confused din of 
rather startlingly loud lingo from the drivers, the 
wagons were rapidly pulled across the broad river, over 
the quicksands, and all came safely upon the opposite 
bank in good order. 

Dr. Atkinson gives the following graphic account of 
this occurrence : 

" Those who heard Dr. Whitman at the North Platte 
River bid the emigrants throw away their skin boats pre- 
pared for crossing, and saw him for three days crossing 
and re-crossing that wide stream, swimming his horse to 
find the best ford, and at last heard him order the teams 
and wagons to be chained together and driven in one long 
line across the ford for two miles (that river swollen by 
spring floods), cheering the drivers, permitting not a mo- 
ment's halt, lest they should sink in the quicksands, will 
never forget the man and the deed." 1 

1 Fifth Annual Report of the Oregon Historical and Pioneer Society, 
1876, p. 10. 



V 



204 MARCUS WHITMAN 

The distance from Fort Laramie to this ford of the 
North Fork was 122 miles, and it was accomplished in 
nine days. 

They then crossed over to the Sweetwater River, 
a distance of fifty-five miles, in three days, arriving 
there on the 27th. They first came in sight of the 
Rocky Mountains on the 3d of August. On the 5th, 
6th, and 7th of August they went through the pass, 
and on the evening of the 7th drank of the waters that 
flowed into the Pacific. On the 9th they came to the 
Big Sandy, and on the nth they crossed the Green 
River, a branch of the great Colorado. 

To revert to Burnett's account : 

" We were informed that Dr. Whitman had written a 
letter stating that the Catholic missionaries had discovered, 
by the aid of their Flathead Indian pilot, a pass through 
the mountains by way of Fort Bridger, which was shorter 
than the old route. We therefore determined to go by the 
Fort, where we arrived on the 14th. This is situated on 
the Black Fork of Green River, having traveled from our 
first camp on the Sweet Water, two hundred and nineteen 
miles, in eighteen days." 1 

They waded the great Soda Springs on the Bear 
River, August 22d, and then crossed over to Fort 
Hall, arriving there on the 27th, having traveled 235 
miles from Fort Bridger, in thirteen days, an average 
of eighteen miles a day. Burnett speaks of Captain 
John Gant as acting pilot from the Missouri to Fort 
Hall, at which place he left them ; and says that Dr. 
Whitman was pilot from there to the Grande Ronde, 
where his place was taken by one of his personal Indian 
friends, named Stikas, 2 who was an excellent guide. 

When the great company reached Fort Hall, they 

1 Recollections, p. 115. 

* Dr. Eells told the writer that his true name was Istikas. 



EIGHT HUNDRED FOR OREGON 205 

were told that it was idle to attempt to take wagons 
through to the Columbia. At that moment Dr. 
Whitman was absent from the company, and on his 
return he found them in great straits. They were in 
the depths of the great and terrible wilderness, and 
were like a ship in mid-ocean without a rudder. Just 
then Whitman rode up on horseback and inquired 
what was the matter. On being informed, he reassured 
them by his bold and manly words, saying: " My 
countrymen, you have trusted me thus far. Believe 
me now and I will take your wagons to the Columbia 
River " ; and he did so. At this point in the journey 
Burnett wrote as follows : 

" Fort Hall was then a trading post, belonging to the 
Hudson's Bay Company, and was under the charge of Mr. 
Grant, who was exceedingly kind and hospitable. The 
fort was situated on the south bank of Snake River, in a 
wide, fertile valley, covered with luxuriant grass, and 
watered by numerous springs and small streams. This 
valley had once been a great resort for buffaloes, and their 
skulls were scattered around in every direction. We saw 
the skulls of these animals for the last time at Fort Boise, 
beyond which point they were never seen. The Company 
had bands of horses and herds of cattle grazing on these 
rich bottom-lands. 

" Up to this point the route over which we had passed 
was perhaps the finest natural road, of the same length, to 
be found in the world. Only a few loaded wagons had 
ever made their way to Fort Hall, and were there aban- 
doned. Dr. Whitman in 1836 had taken a wagon as far as 
Fort Boise, by making a cart on two of the wheels and 
placing the axle-tree and the other two wheels in his cart. 

" Here we parted with our respected pilot, Captain John 
Gant. Dr. Marcus Whitman was with us at the fort, and 
was our pilot from there to the Grande Ronde, where he 
left us in charge of an Indian pilot, whose name was Stikas, 
and who proved to be both faithful and competent. The 
Doctor left us to have his gristmill put in order by the 
time we should reach his mission. 



206 MARCUS WHITMAN 

11 We had now arrived at a most critical period in our 
most adventurous journey; and we had many misgivings as 
to our ultimate success in making our way with our wagons, 
teams, and families. We had yet to accomplish the untried 
and most difficult portion of our long and exhaustive jour- 
ney. We could not anticipate at what moment we might be 
compelled to abandon our wagons in the mountains, pack 
our scant supplies upon our poor oxen, and make our way 
on foot through this terribly rough country, as best we 
could. We fully comprehended the situation ; but we never 
faltered in our inflexible determination to accomplish the 
trip, if within the limits of possibility, with the resources at 
our command. Dr. Whitman assured us that we could 
succeed, and encouraged and aided us with every means in 
his power. I consulted Mr. Grant as to his opinion of the 
practicability of taking our wagons through. He replied 
that, while he would not say it was impossible for us 
Americans to make the trip with our wagons, he could not 
himself see how it could be done. He had only traveled 
the pack-trail, and certainly no wagons could follow that 
route; but there might be a practical road found by leaving 
the trail at certain points." 1 

The company left Fort Hall on the 30th of August, 
having been more than three months on their way, 
and having accomplished but little more than half 
the distance and certainly not half the difficulties. 
But by this time the entire company had become suffi- 
ciently acquainted with Dr. Whitman to appreciate 
his ability and his devotion as their guide. They had 
full confidence in him, and they started off with buoy- 
ant hearts and determined wills. 

From Fort Hall their route lay for several hundred 
miles down the Snake River, or Lewis River, as it is 
sometimes called. Their way was extremely difficult. 
From Fort Hall past the Grande Ronde and over the 
Blue Mountains was by far the most difficult part of 
the whole journey. The road was new and untried, 

1 Recollections, pp. 116, 117. 



EIGHT HUNDRED FOR OREGON 207 

very rocky, and often obstructed by a thick growth of 
sage two or three feet high, which seriously impeded 
the progress of their wagons, which they had persisted 
in taking with them in spite of the statements made 
by Captain Grant of Fort Hall. Up to this time no 
wagons had gone beyond Fort Hall, so far as known, 
except the single cart of Dr. Whitman's, which he had 
taken in 1836 to Fort Boise. 

They reached Salmon Falls on the 7th of Septem- 
ber, and three days later forded the river. 1 On the 
14th they passed the Boiling Springs, where the water 
was hot enough to boil an egg. Reaching Fort Bois£ 
on the 20th, they had made the distance from Fort 
Hall, 273 miles, in twenty-one days. 

The valley of Burnt River, which they forded be- 
tween the 24th and 27th, they found exceedingly 
difficult, as it was narrow and full of timber; but 
about the 29th and 30th (September) they passed 
through rich and fertile valleys of great beauty, lying 
between snowclad mountains whose sides were cov- 
ered with noble pine forests. October 1st found them 
passing through the Grande Ronde, which they called 
" one of the most beautiful valleys in the world, em- 
bosomed among the Blue Mountains which are cov- 
ered with magnificent pines." 

Who can form any adequate conception of the jour- 
ney of this wearied party of emigrants, now in the 
fifth month of their wanderings, as on the 3d, 4th, 5th, 
and 6th of October, they passed through the Blue 
Mountains, near the northeast corner of the present 
state of Oregon, encountering a severe snowstorm, 

1 Burnett relates that, as his party were crossing, they "killed a salmon 
weighing twenty-three pounds, one of our wagons running over it as it 
lay on the bottom of the pebbly stream." (p. 121.) 



208 MARCUS WHITMAN 

losing their cattle in the forests, and finding the road 
terribly rough, indeed, almost impassable ! With what 
feelings of rejoicing, then, did they on the ioth of 
October come up to Whitman's mission station, and 
go into camp for a few days, where they regaled them- 
selves with Indian corn, peas, and Irish potatoes in 
abundance! " We had been so long time without 
fresh vegetables," writes one of the number, " that we 
were almost famished, and consequently feasted ex- 
ceedingly." 

Dr. Whitman found his gristmill had been burned 
by the Indians during his absence. In a letter to the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs at Washington, D. C, 
dated April i, 1843, Dr. Elijah White, sub-agent of 
Indian Affairs west of the Rocky Mountains, speaks 
as follows concerning the burning of the Doctor's mill: 

" After a severe journey of four days we reached Waii- 
latpu, Dr. Whitman's station, where we had many most un- 
pleasant matters to settle. Feather Cap commenced 
weeping. Tauatwai said the whites were much more to 
blame than the Indians; that three fourths of them, though 
they taught the purest doctrines, practised the greatest 
abominations, referring to the base conduct of many in the 
Rocky Mountains; acknowledged it as his opinion that the 
mill was burnt purposely by some persons disaffected 
towards Dr. Whitman." 1 

Dr. Whitman soon repaired his mill so that grinding 
could be done in it, and when the emigrants arrived 
at his station he was prepared to sell them flour, 
potatoes, and other provisions at moderate prices. 
Here the emigrants rested and prepared for their on- 
ward journey. Dr. Whitman gave them all the assist- 
ance that was in his power, and opened for them a new 
route down the river. But the autumn was coming 

1 Senate Ex. Doc, No. 37, p. 13, Forty-first Congress, Third Session. 



EIGHT HUNDRED FOR OREGON 209 

on apace and they must not linger too long by the 
way. 

They had not yet reached their destination. Two 
days brought them to Fort Walla Walla, 202 miles 
from Fort Boise, in twenty-four days, making a total 
of 1691 miles in 147 days, averaging eleven and a half 
miles a day. Dr. Whitman furnished a guide for the 
party from his station to The Dalles. A large 
majority took with them to The Dalles their cattle and 
wagons, although some of them left theirs at Fort 
Walla Walla. From The Dalles they descended to 
Fort Vancouver by boats and canoes. 

The principal part of this great emigration settled in 
the valley of the Willamette, south of the Columbia, 
between the Coast Range and the Cascade Mountains. 

Fort Vancouver, situated a little above the mouth 
of the Willamette, was reached on the 7th of Novem- 
ber, and November 22d probably overtook them before 
all that party were well settled in their homes. It was 
six months since they had left the rendezvous upon 
the borders of civilization, near the western boundary 
of Missouri, and they had traveled over two thousand 
miles. 

How very inadequate is our conception of such a 
journey ! How little can we, at this distance of time 
and space, form any just appreciation of the endur- 
ance shown, of the hardships, anxieties, and perils those 
pioneers experienced in that remarkable undertaking ! 
And what must, in justice, be said of their leader ? — 
the man who planned and executed such an enterprise 
as to cross the country in winter, warn his government 
of the danger, win from them an almost unwilling 
promise of protection, incite the interest of the hardy 
pioneers, gather them together and safely pilot them 



210 MARCUS WHITMAN 

over the unexplored wilds and through the fastnesses 
of two great ranges of mountains. All honor to the 
noble, philanthropic, and patriotic old hero ! Let not 
his name perish or be forgotten from the annals of our 
most important history. 



CHAPTER XIX 

ATTEMPTS AT GOVERNMENT 

WHILE Dr. Whitman was gone, in 1843, tne 
commencement of a provisional government 
was undertaken; on July 5th the first executive com- 
mittee was elected and a body of laws was adopted. 
This was a beginning. Already Dr. Whitman and his 
emigrants were half-way to Oregon, and when they 
arrived the Americans would be in the majority. 
Nothing was done by this new government till Whit- 
man arrived. A second executive committee was 
chosen in 1844, and Mr. George Abernethy was elected 
governor. At the time of his election he was absent 
from the country, and he did not assume the duties of 
the office until the 2d of December, 1845. He served 
for nearly four years, or till the territorial government 
went into effect in 1849. 

After the arrival of this large and respectable dele- 
gation, which included many men who took first rank 
in the management of subsequent affairs in the terri- 
tory and state of Oregon, the American party had a 
clear majority, and from that time the policy of the 
Hudson's Bay Company was decidedly changed. The 
courtesy and urbanity which had hitherto character- 
ized its officers were evidently not approved by the 
home management, and in place of this there sprang 

211 



212 MARCUS WHITMAN 

up a studied reticence and gradual withdrawal from 
all participation in whatever might redound to the 
welfare of the American cause. The alienation finally 
became complete, and resulted in their entire with- 
drawal from the Oregon country. This, however, was 
not effected till long after the final settlement between 
this country and Great Britain of all questions concern- 
ing Oregon, and after our supremacy had been fully 
established from lat. 42 to 49 . Let us, then, 
examine some of the evidences of this change of policy 
on the part of the Hudson's Bay Company. 

While Dr. John McLoughlin was in command at 
Fort Vancouver, he was criticised by those above him 
for furnishing supplies to the American settlers on 
credit. Of his attitude Gray says : 

" The emigrants arrived poor and needy; and they must 
have suffered had he not furnished them supplies on credit. 
He could have wished that this had not been necessary, be- 
cause he believed that there were those above him who 
strongly disapproved of his course in this respect, affirming 
that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the 
country by American citizens, and thus give to the United 
States government an element of title to the country. The 
United States government could not have a title to the 
country without such settlement, and those persons, thus 
alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report him to the 
Hudson's Bay Company's house at London." 1 

Dr. McLoughlin at length learned that such com- 
plaints had been made, but he still continued to fur- 
nish supplies on credit to Americans as well as others, 
because on the principle of common humanity he could 
not do otherwise. Finally, when he was ordered to 
change his course, he indignantly replied: " Gentle- 

1 Gray, History of Oregon, p. 319 ; see also Eva Emery Dye, McLough- 
lin and Old Oregon. 



ATTEMPTS AT GOVERNMENT 213 

men, if such is your order, I will serve you no 
longer." In 1846, therefore, but a little while before 
matters had become ripe for the butchery of the 
American missionaries, Dr. McLoughlin resigned his 
connection with the Company, and from that time till 
his death Oregon had in him a warm and faithful 
friend. When he left the Hudson's Bay Company, he 
had been in their employ forty years. 1 

On the 15th of June, 1846, a treaty was concluded 
at Washington between James Buchanan, Secretary of 
State of the United States, and the Right Honorable 
Richard Pakenham, a member of her Majesty's Privy 
Council and her Majesty's envoy extraordinary and 
minister plenipotentiary to the United States. It 
was ratified July 17, 1846, and proclaimed August 5th 
of that year. It declared that " the line of latitude 
of 49 is continued as the boundary between the 
United States and the British Possessions in America 
from the Rocky Mountains westward to the middle 

1 Rev. Dr. Atkinson, in the annual address before the Pioneer and 
Historical Society of Oregon, in Astoria, February 22, 1876, used the 
following language : 

' ' When the wearied colonists were slowly arriving by boats in the 
Willamette Valley, hungry and sick, with torn garments and almost 
penniless, their appeals to Dr. John McLoughlin, superintendent and 
chief factor of the honorable Hudson's Bay Company, for flour, grocer- 
ies, and clothing, met a generous response. He ordered the clerks to 
sell them what they needed and let none suffer, granting credit if neces- 
sary. For this act, having been blamed and required to assume the 
debts of the settlers, he nobly said : ' When any persons come to my 
door starving and naked I will feed and clothe them. I have done my 
utmost duty to the Company, but when you require me to sacrifice 
my duty to my fellow man and to God, I can serve you no longer.' He 
resigned his office and thenceforward identified himself with the Ameri- 
can citizens. His noble face and princely form and most generous deeds 
entitled him to rank among the noblest benefactors, inscribing on his 
banner, ' humanity the highest patriotism.' " 



2i 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

of the channel, and of Fuca's Straits, to the Pacific 
Ocean/' 1 

Henry Cabot Lodge thus discusses this treaty : 

" The Ashburton treaty was open to one just criticism. 
It did not go far enough. It did not settle the north- 
western as it did the northeastern boundary. Mr. Webster, 
as has been said, made an effort to deal with the former as 
well as the latter, but he met with no encouragement, and 
as he was then preparing to retire from office, the matter 
dropped. In regard to the northwestern boundary Mr. 
Webster agreed with the opinion of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, 
that the forty-ninth parallel was a fair and proper line; but 
the British undertook to claim the line of the Columbia 
River, and this excited corresponding claims on our side. 
The Democracy for political purposes became especially 
warlike and patriotic. They declared in their platform 
that we must have the whole of Oregon and reoccupy it at 
once. Mr. Polk embodied this view in his message, to- 
gether with the assertion that our rights extended to the 
line of 54 deg. 40 min. north, and a shout of " fifty-four- 
forty or fight " went through the land from the enthusiastic 
Democracy. If this attitude meant anything it meant war, 
inasmuch as our proposal for the forty-ninth parallel and 
the free navigation of the Columbia River, made in the 
autumn of 1845, had been rejected by England, and then 
withdrawn by us. Under these circumstances Mr. Webster 
felt it his duty to come forward and exert all his influence 
to maintain peace, and to promote a clear comprehension, 
both in the United States and in Europe, of the points at 
issue. His speech on this subject and with this aim was de- 
livered in Faneuil Hall. He spoke of the necessity of 
peace, of the fair adjustment offered by an acceptance of 
the forty-ninth parallel, and derided the idea of casting 
two great nations into war for such a question as this. He 
closed with a forcible and solemn denunciation of the 
president or minister who should dare to take the responsi- 
bility for kindling the flames of war on such a pretext. 
The speech was widely read. It was translated into nearly 
all the languages of Europe, and on the continent had a 
great effect. About a month later he wrote to Mr. Mac- 

1 Poore, Charters and Constitutions, Part II., p. 1484. 



ATTEMPTS AT GOVERNMENT 215 

Gregor of Glasgow, suggesting that the British government 
should offer to accept the forty-ninth parallel, and his letter 
was shown to Lord Aberdeen, who at once acted upon the 
advice it contained. While this letter, however, was on its 
way, certain resolutions were introduced in the Senate 
relating to the national defences, and to give notice of the 
termination of the convention for the joint occupation of 
Oregon, which would of course have been nearly equivalent 
to a declaration of war. Mr. Webster opposed the resolu- 
tions, and insisted that, while the Executive, as he believed, 
had no real wish for war, this talk was kept up about ' all 
or none, ' which left nothing to negotiate about. The notice 
finally passed, but before it could be delivered by our 
minister in London, Lord Aberdeen's proposition of the 
forty-ninth parallel, as suggested by Mr. Webster, had been 
received at Washington, where it was accepted by the 
truculent administration, agreed to by the Senate, and 
finally embodied in a treaty. ' ' * 

Congress passed an act, which was approved August 
14, 1848, to establish a territorial government for 
Oregon, under which General Joseph Lane was ap- 
pointed governor. He went to Oregon, and by proc- 
lamation put the territorial government into operation 
March 3, 1849. 

The citizens of Oregon, by a convention chosen 
under a territorial act (no " enabling act " having been 
passed by Congress), — which convention assembled at 
Salem, August 17, 1857, and completed its labors 
September 18, 1857, — framed a constitution which was 
submitted to the people, November 9, 1857. It was 
ratified by 7195 votes against 3195 votes. In accord- 
ance with this constitution an election was held " on 
the first Monday in June, 1858, for the election of 
members of the legislative Assembly, a representative 
in Congress, and state and county officers. The legis- 
lative Assembly convened at the Capitol the first 

1 Henry Cabot Lodge, Daniel Webster, pp. 264-266. 



216 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Monday in July, 1858, elected two senators in Con- 
gress and made further provisions to complete the 
organization of a state government." 1 Congress the 
next year passed an act (Thirty-fifth Congress, Second 
Session, 1859) " f° r tne admission of the state of 
Oregon " into the Union. 

1 Charters and Constitutions, Part II., pp. 1492, 1507. 



CHAPTER XX 

THE MASSACRE 

AND now we have a dark and sorrowful chapter to 
add to this history. The eight days from No- 
vember 29 to December 6, 1847, were bloody days at 
Waiilatpu. 

The Indians had become greatly disturbed long 
before the massacre took place. Dr. Whitman had 
observed carefully the contest which was going on 
between the Hudson's Bay people and the Americans, 
and he was not unmindful of the hostile influence of 
a few leading Jesuit priests. Their influence upon 
the Indians was never conducive to friendship and con- 
fidence towards the Americans. While Dr. Whitman 
was on his journey east, the word went round among 
the Indians that he was to return with emigrants who 
would take all their lands from them. 

On reaching his home, Dr. Whitman found, as we 
have seen, that his flour mill with a quantity of grain 
had been burned by the disaffected Indians. This dis- 
affection increased. From year to year it became 
more apparent and more widespread. The Indians 
reported that Dr. Whitman was poisoning them. The 
wildest and most incredible stories were circulated 
concerning him. We must not forget the superstitious 
nature of the Indians, and that at this time they were 
suffering from contagious diseases, such as measles 

317 



218 MARCUS WHITMAN 

and dysentery. In the fall of 1847, Dr. Whitman was 
thoroughly convinced that a plot for the murder of the 
missionaries was nearly complete. Day after day he 
reported appearances to his wife and friends, and 
walked softly and prayerfully, knowing that he might 
be called at any moment to yield up his life. 

When visiting the sick in the Indian camp on the 
Umatilla River, he called on Bishop Blanchette and 
the vicar-general Brouillett, who had just arrived at 
the place, and had an interview with them. He then 
rode out to where Rev. Mr. Spalding was encamped, 
reaching there about sunset. This last interview with 
his brother missionary was short, for, though he was 
worn down with increasing labors and cares, severe 
sickness at his own home would not suffer him to stop 
for the night's rest. It was late when he left his friends 
and started upon his lone night journey to that once 
happy home. The long ride of forty miles consumed 
the remainder of the night, and in the early dawn he 
alighted at his own house. A hurried interview with 
his beloved wife, at which they were seen in tears, 
greatly agitated, was cut short by calls for him to see 
the sick. Immediately after dinner, perhaps about 
half-past one, the carnage was begun and continued 
for eight days. 

The massacre was wholly unprovoked by Dr. Whit- 
man, or any member of the mission. On the other 
hand, the atrocity was deepened by the fact that at the 
time of its occurrence the martyrs were devoting their 
energies to the relief of those who were suffering from 
an epidemic disease of unusual severity then prevailing 
among the Indians. 1 

1 See the resolutions adopted by the Oregon Presbytery of the Old 
School Presbyterian Church, June 26, 1869. 



THE MASSACRE 219 

There were at that time at Dr. Whitman's station 
seventy-two souls, many of whom were American emi- 
grants from the States. Fourteen persons, including 
Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, were killed ; nearly all the rest 
were taken prisoners by the Indians, and the women 
were subjected to the most horrible brutalities. All 
the prisoners were, however, subsequently ransomed 
and released. The pen refuses to portray the details 
of this dreadful crime. Suffice it to say that these 
Christian martyrs died like heroes. One of them, 
after hours of terrible suffering from wounds inflicted 
the day previous, was heard by a sick person con- 
cealed beneath the floor to say faintly, M Come, 
Lord Jesus, come quickly" ; and soon after he ceased 
to breathe. Dr. Whitman himself was the first one 
to fall, a tomahawk being twice plunged into his head 
and his face hacked in the most brutal manner. 

Thus died this Christian hero, who has been well 
described in these words : 

" Emphatically a patriot without guile, a Christian whose 
faith was measured by his works ; who counted not his life 
dear unto him if he might but do good to his fellow-beings, 
white or red ; whose forethought, whose hazards, labors, 
and sufferings, self-devised, unsolicited, unrewarded, to 
reach Washington through the snows of New Mexico, did 
more for Oregon and this coast than the labors of any other 
man. Already are fulfilled your remarkable words, on the 
banks of the Umatilla, on that our last night : ' My death 
may do as much good to Oregon as my life can.' " * 

The seventy-two persons connected with Dr. Whit- 
man's mission before the massacre were located as 
follows : 

At the sawmill, 2 twelve persons: — Mr. and Mrs. 

1 Rev. Mr. Spalding, in Senate Ex. Doc. No. 37, p. 31. 

2 Mr. Gray says the sawmill was on the creek, ten miles above 
Walla Walla and sixteen miles from the mission. 



220 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Young and three grown-up sons, from Missouri ; Mr. 
and Mrs. Smith and five children (eldest daughter six- 
teen years of age), from Indiana. 

At the blacksmith's shop, seven persons : — Mr. and 
Mrs. Canfield and five children (eldest daughter six- 
teen years of age), from Indiana. 

In the large building, twenty-six persons : — Mr. and 
Mrs. Kimball and five children (eldest daughter six- 
teen years of age), from Indiana; Mr. and Mrs. Hall 
and five children (eldest daughter ten years), from 
Illinois ; Mr. and Mrs. Saunders and five children 
(eldest, a daughter fourteen years of age), from Da- 
kota; Mrs. Hayes and child; Mr. Marsh and daughter; 
Mr. Gillam (a tailor). 

In the Indian room, five persons: — Mr. and Mrs. 
Osborn and three children, from Oregon (all sick). 

Dr. Whitman's family consisted of the following 
twenty-two persons: Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, Mr. 
Rogers (a missionary), seven adopted children named 
Sager, three adopted half-breed children, Miss Meek, 
Mr. Sayles, Mr. Hoffman of New York, J. Stanfield 
(a Canadian), Joe Lewis (the Catholic half-breed), two 
half-breed boys, and Miss Spalding. Of these, seven 
were sick, some of them very sick. 

The following were killed : 

Dr. Marcus Whitman, Mr. Hoffman, 

Mrs. Whitman, Mr. Gillam, 

Mr. C. Rogers, Mr. Hall, 

John Sager, Amos Sayles, 

Mr. Saunders, Mr. Bewley, 

Francis Sager, Mr. Kimball, 

Mr. Marsh, Mr. Young. 

From the best accounts it appears that ten persons 




THE FIRST GRAVE OF THE MARTYRS 




THE PRESENT TOMB 



THE MASSACRE 221 

were killed on the first day of the massacre, November 
the 29th, and four others subsequently, some of them 
on the next day, the 30th. 

Nearly fifty persons, mostly women and children, 
were taken prisoners by the Indians, the women being 
subjected to horrible abuse. The remaining few suc- 
ceeded in escaping. Mr. Hall escaped to the fort of 
the Hudson's Bay Company but was not permitted to 
remain there, and after crossing the river he was never 
seen again. His name is therefore included in the 
list of killed, as without doubt he was murdered by 
the Indians before he could reach a place of safety. 
The prisoners were subsequently redeemed and re- 
leased through the humane and strenuous efforts of 
Chief Factor Ogden of the Hudson's Bay Company. 
Some of them afterwards subscribed to depositions 
relating the facts and details of the massacre and their 
captivity, and embodying accounts of the most fearful 
and heartrending atrocities. 

The Americans in the valley of the Willamette, 
who, as already observed, had put in operation a pro- 
visional government under Governor Abernethy, im- 
mediately organized an armed force. Although the 
Catholic priests and the Hudson's Bay people dep- 
recated a war with the Indians, these settlers sent out 
about five hundred men, pursued the Indians, and 
fought several battles. Governor Abernethy, in his 
message to the legislature, in February, 1849, said: 

" It is true that the Indians engaged in the massacre were 
not captured and punished; they were, however, driven 
from their homes, their country taken possession of, and 
they made to understand that the power of the white man 
is far superior to their own." * 

1 Recollections of an Old Pioneer, p. 250. 



222 MARCUS WHITMAN 

How the guilty Indians finally received their pun- 
ishment is told in these words : 

"After the volunteers failed to apprehend the guilty Cayuses, 
the Nez Perces, at the request of the government, rushed 
through the wintry snows, overtook the savages on the 
upper John Day River, overcame the Cayuses in a long 
fight, killed some, took five of their principal leaders, de- 
livered them to the government, and they were tried and 
executed at Oregon City." 1 

These chiefs were Te-lou-i-kite, Tam-a-has, Klop-a- 
mas, Ki-am-a-sump-kin, and I-sa-i-a-cha-lak-is. 

For a time this broke up the Protestant missionary 
operations in the upper country, but the American 
party now had possession. Additional emigrants came 
from year to year, the boundary question had been 
settled, a territorial organization was soon effected 
by act of Congress, as already seen, and the affairs 
of that distant country rapidly improved. 

1 Senate Ex. Doc. No. 37, p. 77, Forty-first Congress, Third Session. 



CHAPTER XXI 

CAUSES OF THE MASSACRE 

WHAT were the causes which led to this terrible 
massacre ? Why should the Indians kill a 
man who had proved himself for many years a true 
and tried friend to them ? 

The ostensible reasons given by one party were as 
follows : 

i. " The encroachment of a superior upon an in- 
ferior race. ' ' 

2. Especially in this : that the whites were steadily 
obtaining the lands of the Indians. 

3. That Dr. Whitman was poisoning the Indians. 

4. That various minor causes of dissatisfaction had 
existed for some years before the massacre, which had 
grown until the Indians were exasperated, and the 
more impetuous could not be held back by the more 
friendly and the better class. 

In reply to the first and second of these reasons, it 
should be said that far less encroachment had been 
made in the vicinity of Dr. Whitman's station than 
elsewhere in Oregon. Dr. Whitman himself pre- 
vented settlers from taking the Indian lands, and 
sent them off to other sections, that he might not be 
disturbed in his missionary labors with the Indians. 
Besides, it should be observed that the Hudson's Bay 

223 



224 MARCUS WHITMAN 

people had taken land from the Indians, and though 
they were of the same " superior " race, yet none of 
them were disturbed. 1 

Mr. Gray says concerning these dissatisfactions in 
regard to the lands: " At that time there was not a 
band or tribe of Indians west of the Rocky Mountains 
but was ready to give land to any white man that 
would come and live in their country." He further 
states that " the * encroachments of a superior upon 
an inferior race ' had no part in the matter." 8 

The third charge was so manifestly unjust and un- 
true that nobody pretended to believe it. Yet the story 
must have been set on foot by somebody and with a 
motive, and its influence upon the minds of the super- 
stitious savages was doubtless great. 

Of the fourth reason, it may be said that the Indians 
were evidently exasperated, but no petty dissatisfac- 
tions have been shown of sufficient importance or 
interest to incite these bloody savages to such a 
terrible slaughter. 

The sufficient causes for so horrible a crime are yet 
to be found. The alienation which had grown out of 
the conflicting efforts of the Protestant missionaries and 
the Roman Catholic Jesuits, and the diverse interests 
which were found to exist between the Hudson's Bay 
people and the Americans, in their effect upon the 
Indian mind and passions must be considered as hav- 
ing their proper influence in fanning whatever flame of 
discontent against the Americans existed in the minds 
of the Indians. 

Major Lee, who was sent out in command of a mili- 

1 Dr. Eells told the writer he knew of no case in which an American 
family had taken any land in the Walla Walla Valley. 

2 Gray, History of Oregon, p, 461. 



CAUSES OF THE MASSACRE 225 

tary force, wrote to the government, December 26, 
1847 : " The Indians are all friendly with the Hudson's 
Bay Company's men, and I am truly sorry to learn 
that Mr. Ogden paid them powder and ball for making 
portage at The Dalles." It is also stated that soon 
after, at Walla Walla, the Indians received from this 
Company " twelve common guns, six hundred loads of 
ammunition, twelve flints, thirty-seven pounds of to- 
bacco, sixty-two three-point blankets, sixty -three com- 
mon shirts." ' 

The priest, J. B. A. Brouillett, who signs himself 
" Vicar-General of Walla Walla," on the next day 
after the horrible massacre was on the ground and 
baptized children of these same Indians. 2 

The Oregon Presbytery of the Old School Presby- 
terian Church, after a full investigation, adopted a 
report which says : 

" The causes of the massacre were reducible to two, viz. : 
The purpose of the English Government, or of the Hud- 
son's Bay Company, to exclude American settlers from the 
country; and the efforts of Catholic priests to prevent the 
introduction of education and Protestantism by prevent- 
ing the settlement of American citizens: and the efforts 
which both parties made, operating on the ignorant and 
suspicious minds of the savages, led to the butchery in 
which twenty-five lives were destroyed and most dreadful 
sufferings and brutal injuries inflicted on the survivors." 3 

The Methodist Church in Oregon and several other 
denominations of Christians adopted similar reports 
upon the subject. 

Mrs. Victor, in her River of the West, says : 

" Mr. Hall was the first to arrive at the fort, where, con- 

1 Gray, History of Oregon, p. 558. 

3 See J. Ross Browne's Report to Congress, p. 36. 

3 Spalding's pamphlet, p. 63. 



226 MARCUS WHITMAN 

trary to his expectations, and to all humanity, he was but 
coldly received by the gentleman in charge, Mr. McBean. 
. . . Unfortunately for Mr. McBean's reputation, he de- 
clined to grant shelter willingly. . . . Whether Mr. 
McBean would have allowed this man to perish (he had 
left the fort and never was heard from afterwards) is un- 
certain ; but certain it is that some base or cowardly 
motive made him exceedingly cruel to both Hall and 
Osborne. . . . The reader of this chapter of Oregon 
history will always be very much puzzled to understand by 
what means the Catholic priests procured their perfect 
exemption from harm during this time of terror to the 
Americans. . . . Certain it is, that they preserved a 
neutral position, when to be neutral was to seem, if not to 
be, devoid of human sympathies." ' 

Much has been written as to the causes, direct and 
remote, of this massacre. The case is by no means 
simple or easy to be determined. There is no ques- 
tion but that the Hudson's Bay Company, in its 
interests and feelings, was largely antagonistic to the 
American movement, and therefore to the work of the 
Protestant missionaries. Some of its officers can 
hardly be held blameless. Yet the many kindnesses 
shown by most of the managers of that Company 
to the missionaries, first and last, were such as 
to make it difficult to believe that there was any 
concerted movement among them to instigate or in- 
crease the antagonism of the disaffected Indians to- 
ward Dr. Whitman and his friends. John McLoughlin 
was a noble man, kindly, generous, humane. He was 
always earnest, upright, magnanimous, — perhaps too 
much so, in the opinion of some of the English man- 
agers of the Company, for their interests. Possibly 
he was an exception among the leading men of that 
great corporation. Mr. Ogden is certainly entitled to 
unlimited praise for his successful efforts to redeem and 

1 Victor, River of the West, pp. 415-420. 



CAUSES OF THE MASSACRE 227 

release the captives after the massacre. Indeed, there 
is so much evidence in favor of the officers of the Com- 
pany that it would be exceedingly difficult to show 
complicity in the massacre, if it were not unkind or 
ungrateful to suggest it. It would not be strange, 
however, under all the circumstances, among a people 
so far removed from the restraints of civilization, if 
one or more of these Hudson's Bay men should have 
at times overstepped the bounds of propriety and to 
some extent fanned the flames of discontent and 
disaffection among the Indians. 

It was an unfortunate circumstance that Catholic 
priests and Protestant missionaries were attempting to 
carry on their work among the Indians at the same 
time and in the same place. The Protestant mission- 
aries were first in the field and had done the Indians 
great good. Many of the Hudson's Bay officers and 
employees were French Canadians and Roman Catho- 
lics, and naturally, they wished to have Catholic 
priests among them. Some of these priests, Jesuits, 
were earnest in their work of proselyting the Indians, 
and that they should come into collision with the plans 
and purposes of the Protestant missionaries could 
hardly be avoided. But if there was any connection, 
direct or indirect, with the massacre, such movement 
must have been confined to a very small number of 
individuals. It would be difficult to establish suffi- 
cient proof against them to indicate participation with 
the disaffected Indians. Yet the circumstances were 
such as to arouse suspicions in after years, on the part 
of Protestant denominations, — Presbyterian, Method- 
ist, and others, — and a feeling, somewhat widespread, 
that Catholic priests were implicated in this ter- 
rible calamity. It would be difficult, however, to 



228 MARCUS WHITMAN 

substantiate that view of the case, at any rate further 
than to leave in the mind grave suspicions against a 
very small number of persons. 

Dr. Nixon, in his life of Whitman says: 

" There have been few great men who have not felt the 
stings of criticism and misrepresentation. The wholly un- 
selfish life of Dr. Marcus Whitman, from his young man- 
hood to the day of his death, it would seem, ought to have 
shielded him from this class, but it did not. In justice to 
his contemporaries, however, it is due to say, every one of 
them, of all denominations, except one, was his friend and 
defender. 

" That one man was a French Jesuit priest, by the name 
of J. B. A. Brouillett. He was Acting Bishop among the 
Indians, of a tribe near to the Cayuse, where Dr. Whitman 
had labored for eleven years, and where he perished in 
1847. After the massacre, there were some grave charges 
made against Brouillett, and in 1853 he wrote a pamphlet, 
entitled, ' Protestantism in Oregon,' in which he made a 
vicious attack upon the dead Whitman, and the living Dr. 
Spalding and the other Protestant missionaries of the 
American Board." * 

Without doubt Joe Lewis, the half-breed, was a bad 
man, unprincipled and treacherous. The evidence 
seems clear that he, more than any one else, instigated 
this terrible crime, and that he was one of the leaders 
in executing the awful deed. 

It should not be forgotten that the Indians were ex- 
ceedingly superstitious, and easily influenced against 
persons when their suspicions had once been aroused. 
For some reason these Indians had been influenced 
to believe, or feel, that the white people, that is, the 
Americans, were intending to take away their lands. 
They also from some cause, whatever it may have 
been, came to the conclusion that the Americans 
wanted to kill off the Indians. It has already been 

1 Dr. O. W. Nixon, How Marcus Whitman Saved Oregon, pp. 233, 234. 



CAUSES OF THE MASSACRE 229 

shown that there was no foundation for these be- 
liefs. The Americans were their best friends, and the 
missionaries were doing all in their power for the 
comfort, well-being, and uplifting of the Indians. 
But however baseless these charges were, they in- 
fluenced the minds of the suspicious and superstitious 
Indians. 

It happened, also, that from time to time contagious 
diseases broke out among the Indians and raged with 
fearful effect. In particular the measles, just before 
the massacre, was sweeping off the Indians in large 
numbers. They were told that Dr. Whitman was 
poisoning them. There is scarcely a doubt that Joe 
Lewis circulated this story. Finally, the bad blood 
got the ascendancy and reason was left out of the 
question. The excited, suspicious savages, led on 
perhaps by a few malicious leaders, determined to 
annihilate those who they had been led to believe 
were their enemies and destroyers. Hence this terrible 
massacre, which destroyed so many lives and subjected 
a still larger number of innocent persons to horrible 
cruelties while captives in the hands of the savages. 
The result was that all Protestant missionary opera- 
tions in Idaho and eastern Oregon and Washington 
were for many years entirely broken up. 

The causes leading to this massacre are fully dis- 
cussed in Gray's History of Oregon, in the two pam- 
phlets published by Congress to which frequent 
reference has been made, in Dr. Craighead's Life of 
Whitman , and in Dr. Nixon's How Marcus Whitman 
Saved Oregon. 

The public estimate of the character and labors of 
Dr. Whitman has been remarkably unanimous and 
strong in his favor. 



2 3 o MARCUS WHITMAN 

General Lane, in the national House of Representa- 
tives, April, 1856, said of him: 

" Among those who have thus labored faithfully and un- 
remittingly, and with a singleness of purpose and self-sacri- 
ficing zeal which commands the respect of all who observed 
his elevated and untiring labors, was Dr. Marcus Whitman. 

" Never, in my opinion, did missionary go forth to the 
field of his labors animated by a nobler purpose or devote 
himself to his task with more earnestness and sincerity, than 
this meek and Christian man. 

" He arrived in 1836, and established his mission in the 
Waiilatpu country east of the Cascade Mountains, and de- 
voted his entire time to the education and improvement of 
the Indians, teaching them the arts of civilization, the mode 
of cultivating the soil, to plant, to sow, to reap, to do all 
the duties that pertain to civilized man. He erected mills, 
plowed their grounds, sowed their crops, and assisted in 
gathering in their harvests. 

" About the time he had succeeded in teaching them 
some of these arts and the means of using some of these 
advantages, they rose against him without^cause, and with- 
out notice, and massacred him and his wife, and many 
others who were at the mission at the time." 

The following quotations give other estimates: 

" Let it not be forgotten that our republic is indebted to 
the enlightened patriotism of Marcus Whitman, who heroi- 
cally defied the dangers of a winter journey across the con- 
tinent, and by the communication of important facts to our 
Government prevented the cession of a large portion of our 
Pacific domain to Great Britain. 

" Oregon Presbytery, 

"A. L. Lindsey, D.D., 

1 ' Moderator. ' ' 

" On the banks of the Walla Walla, in a lovely grove, 
unmarked by an inscription, the mortal remains of Dr. 
and Mrs. Whitman have slumbered away the years. They 
sleep not far from the spot where the consecrated 
years of their mature life were so lavishly given to that 
noblest of all work, raising the fallen and saving the lost. 



CAUSES OF THE MASSACRE 231 

Living, they were the peers of such heroes and heroines as Dr. 
and Mrs. Ann Hasseltine Judson ; and dying, their memory 
is entitled to the same enshrinement in the grateful regards 
of a church and state, indebted to them for one of the finest 
illustrations of unselfish patriotism and of the purity and 
power of the ancient faith. And when He whom they 
served with such special devotion shall assemble his best 
beloved, they of the eastern shall greet those of the western 
shore of the Pacific, and hail them fellow heirs to martyr's 
robe and crown. 

"Rev. H. K. Hines," 
in Ladies' Repository, September, 1863. 

M I consider Dr. Whitman to have been a brave, kind, 
devoted, and intrepid spirit, without malice and without 
reproach. In my best judgment, he made greater sacrifices, 
endured more hardships, and encountered more perils for 
Oregon than any other one man. 

" Peter H. Burnett." 



CHAPTER XXII 

THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY AND THE WHITMAN 
MONUMENT 

THE mortal remains of the martyrs were buried in 
one great grave near where Whitman had so long 
lived and labored for the Indians. This grave be- 
came, in time, more or less neglected, and the fence 
which had originally been built around it fell down, 
but a new one was erected in 1884. 

The remains of Dr. and Mrs. Whitman and the 
others were disinterred on October 22, 1897, to allow 
for the building of a new tomb. A handsome me- 
tallic coffin was presented by Mrs. Picard of Walla 
Walla, and the remains of the dead were placed within 
it. On January 29, 1898, a burial service was con- 
ducted by Rev. E. L. Smith and Rev. E. N. Condit, 
pastors of the Congregational and Presbyterian 
churches of Walla Walla; the coffin was placed in the 
vault, and a massive slab of marble, weighing two 
tons, was lowered to its place and sealed. The names 
of the thirteen persons martyred in 1847, anc * there 
buried, are carved on the polished marble. 

The fiftieth anniversary of the massacre was observed 
by the people of Walla Walla, in their opera house, 
November 29 and 30, 1897. On Monday evening, No- 
vember 29th, the opera house was filled by an immense 
crowd. The singing was by the " Whitman Memorial 

232 



THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY 233 

Chorus " of sixty voices. Nine survivors of the Whit- 
man massacre were present. The Scriptures were read 
by Rev. Samuel Greene of Seattle, whose father, Rev. 
David Greene, had been secretary of the American 
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and had 
signed the commissions of Marcus Whitman and his 
associates in 1836. The address of the evening, given 
by Rev. L. H. Hallock, D.D., was an historical ac- 
count of the work done by Dr. Whitman in saving 
Oregon from the Hudson's Bay Company. 

On Tuesday forenoon a great crowd was carried by 
two special trains to the town of Whitman, formerly 
Waiilatpu, where it was expected that the monument 
to the memory of Whitman would that day be dedi- 
cated. On account of an unfortunate complication of 
circumstances the monument had not arrived, and the 
dedicatory exercises were necessarily postponed. The 
weather, too, was unfavorable for outdoor exercises. 
However, brief addresses were made at the grave, 
upon which choice flowers were laid. Three adopted 
daughters of Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, sisters named 
Sager, whose father and mother both died on the 
journey to Oregon, were still living, and present on 
this occasion. The oldest of the three, Mrs. Cath- 
erine Sager Pringle, made a brief and touching address 
at the grave, which moved many to tears. It was as 
follows : 

" Ladies and Gentlemen of Walla Walla: 

" I cannot express to you the feelings of my sisters, my- 
self, and these survivors as we view this scene. 

" Fifty years ago yesterday morning the sun rose yonder 
on a happy home and all the busy bustle of life. The sun 
went down on a scene of death and desolation, — of weeping 
and wailing. 

" Fifty years ago to-day we went as prisoners of a savage 



234 MARCUS WHITMAN 

band of Indians — no hope of escape — all dark and despair. 
But Providence made a way of escape and we stand here 
to-day. 

" We desire to thank the people of Walla Walla and the 
Northwest for their presence here, for their kindness in 
burying our dead, and for their royal entertainment. We 
desire also to thank the Oregon Railway and Navigation 
Company for the generosity that enables us to be here and 
see the dream of many years consummated. These acts of 
kindness will be told to our children's children and be car- 
ried down to the future generations in grateful remem- 
brance, as each recurring anniversary passes." 

In the opera house that evening, Rev. J. R. Wilson, 
D.D., of Portland, made an extended address as the 
representative of the Whitman Monument Association. 
Other addresses were made, and the following poem 
was read : 1 

This is a land of captains of the sword. 
Here, in hot battle with the heathen horde, 

Upon Multnomah's shores fought Sheridan. 

These scenes Grant knew ere blood-stained Rapidan. 
Here gallant Baker wrote on Fame's high scroll, 
Ere in the first fierce charge, death called the roll 
Of early martyrs to the Union goal. 

But one there was who came in peace and zeal, 
To lift the cross and guide the conq'ring wheel ; 

His sword the flaming truth, his sign the cross, 

He counted all but faith as empty dross. 
Fair was that noble form, and fairer e'en his bride — 
Whitman, who dared for Oregon to ride, 
Who saved an empire, and a martyr died. 

Unfolds another scene — of frosted pines and icy plains below, 

With dark and sullen rivers through the snow, 
With red men's lodges shivering in the gale 
Which sweeps the mountain side and chills the vale ; 

1 See the Whitman College Quarterly, Dec, 1897, which says: "This 
poem was written by a distinguished editor who wishes his name with- 
held. It was read by Prof. O. A. Hauerbach," 



THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY 235 

Gaunt wolfish forms skulk in the fading light, 
Their gleaming eyes burn with the fierce delight, 
Shrill cries proclaim the quarry is in sight. 

Oh, ride, Whitman, ride this hour for life — 

For death is by thy side ! One thought of home and wife — 
Then plunge into the stream and fight the tide ; 
Wide are the waters — gain the other side, 
And you have won the race. Ride, Whitman, ride ! 

Into the West two hundred wagons wheel ; 
Two hundred men, all armed with rifle steel ; 

They guard the seed of empire to that shore, 

Which feels the west sea's shock, and hears its breakers roar. 
The weary day is ended. From the plain 
The glare of desert sun is gone again. 

From out the steel-black sky the starry gleams 
Look down upon a bivouac in dreams. 

Save that from out the darkling depths of night 

Is heard the duskhawk's beating wing in flight ; — 
Or that, from far across the shallow tide 
Is borne the plaintive note of whippoorwill, 
Deep hid in covert all the day, until 

Night calms her fears, and she may speed her soul 

Up to the gates of paradise, and roll 
Her flood of song all eloquent and wild ; — 
Or that a weary mother soothes her fretful child ; — 
Unbroken solitude holds court serene and mild. 

From out the shadows of the tented wheels 

A form emerges, speaks a kindly word, and kneels 

Beside the mother and her sick child's bed. 

From rising sun that noble form has led 
The reeling caravan into the West ; 
Has found the ford, has climbed the distant crest, 
Has led the way which always proved the best. 

Others may rest, stern duty calls him on — 
To cheer the faint, to watch the sick till dawn. 

The dying camp-fire throws a fitful flare 

Into the darkness, and the yellow glare 
Illumes in peace that calm and tender face, 
All sanctified with sacrifice and grace. 



236 MARCUS WHITMAN 

'T is done ; 't is won. Our Whitman rode to save 
New stars for Freedom's banner. It shall wave 

O'er states which proud Britannia may not claim. 

Three stars he added to that flag of flame, 

And won an empire and a deathless name. 

The monument is a tall, graceful shaft of granite, 
located upon the summit of a small but steep hill, near 
the grave of the martyred. The railroad from Walla 
Walla to Wallula runs directly past the foot of this 
hill, so that passengers in the trains upon this road 
see the monument in the near foreground. It is visible 
from different points many miles away. It is enclosed 
by a neat iron fence, and altogether presents a very 
attractive appearance. 




THE WHITMAN MONUMENT 



CHAPTER XXIII 

MR. GRAY AND HIS FLOCK OF SHEEP 

AFTER Mr. William H. Gray withdrew from the 
missionary service in 1842, he went to the Wil- 
lamette Valley. Four years later he moved to Clatsop, 
on the Pacific shore, a few miles south of the mouth 
of the Columbia. Here he had a large herd of cows 
and made butter for the Astoria and Portland markets. 
He was convinced that Oregon was a fine country for 
sheep, but there were few sheep in the territory. In 
1852, he determined to execute a bold movement for 
the benefit of Oregon — no less an enterprise than the 
introduction of a large number of sheep into that 
country. For this purpose he mortgaged his ranch, 
and late in the fall of that year, perhaps about the first 
of December, he sailed for San Francisco. 

While at San Francisco he learned that Franklin 
Pierce of New Hampshire had been elected President. 
From there he took steamer for Panama, and touched 
at Acapulco about Christmas. From Panama he 
crossed the isthmus to Aspinwall, and thence went by 
steamer to New York. He went to Washington and 
had an interview with Joseph Lane, the territorial 
governor of Oregon, who was at that time delegate 
from Oregon to the House of Representatives. He 
was in Washington only two or three days, but how 

237 



238 MARCUS WHITMAN 

much he must have enjoyed it! He was an active, 
earnest, energetic man, conversant with public affairs, 
and had been in the Indian missionary service in 
Oregon from 1836 to 1842. He had never been in 
Washington before, and here he was, at the capital 
of his country, a representative farmer living upon 
the very shore of the Pacific Ocean. 

He returned from Washington to New York, and 
went from there to Cincinnati, where he remained 
about two weeks. From Cincinnati he went on to 
St. Louis, up the Mississippi River to Rock Island, 
and from there to Iowa City. In Iowa, in the spring 
of 1853, ne bought and gathered together a flock 
of about four hundred sheep. He bought a pair of 
horses and a two-horse wagon, hired three men to 
go with him, and secured a shepherd dog. He started 
about the first of May, and as the grass had not yet 
grown he was obliged to carry in his wagon a supply 
of corn. 

His destination was the Clatsop plain on the Oregon 
coast. His route was first to Independence on the 
western border of Missouri, up the Kansas River to 
the Methodist mission station, thence across country 
to the South Platte, up that river, across to the 
North Platte, to Fort Laramie, the Sweetwater, and 
the South Pass. This was the fourth time he had 
traveled that route. From the South Pass he fol- 
lowed the usual trail across the Green River to Fort 
Hall; and through that entire journey, driving his 
large flock of sheep across the plains and over the 
mountains, he averaged twenty miles a day. From 
Fort Hall his path was the Whitman trail, nearly 
on the same line where now is the Oregon Short 
Line Railroad, down the Umatilla River, and along 



MR. GRAY AND HIS FLOCK OF SHEEP 239 

the new Whitman trail to The Dalles. His land jour- 
ney was now substantially over. 

He transported his sheep from The Dalles to the 
Cascades on a scow. He was obliged to drive his flock 
around the Cascades, and then he purchased a large 
flat-bottomed boat or scow, 16x60 feet, and upon this 
single boat he huddled his 360 sheep. He had also a 
rowboat in tow, and thus equipped, he descended the 
Columbia River to the mouth of the Willamette. Here 
he waited for a steamboat which was about to sail from 
Portland to Astoria, and engaged the captain to tow 
his flatboat down the river. Casting off from the 
steamer at Astoria, he started for Clatsop plain, some 
fifteen miles distant in a southwestern direction. A 
good breeze sprang up from the northeast, and he put 
up a sail which soon carried him across Young's Bay. 
Just before reaching the shore he sent out his rowboat 
with a line to fasten to the shore. His line was about 
sixty feet in length, and too short to reach the land. 
While they were in this situation, a sudden squall 
came upon them from the southwest. A government 
pilot-boat, seeing their danger, came to their aid, 
but the squall was so severe that it could not reach 
them. This squall sent them careering across the bay 
and across the Columbia River to Chinook Point, 
opposite Astoria. There the scow filled with water 
and sank, and every sheep was drowned. Mr. Gray 
saved himself, his men, and his dog by the rowboat. 

Poor Mr. Gray! What a terrible disappointment! 
How great was the loss to Oregon! Probably this 
story has never before been published. It is now 
written from notes taken the 6th of March, 1885, 
when Mr. Gray himself told the story to the writer. 
From Mr. Gray's appearance as he told it, one would 



2 4 o MARCUS WHITMAN 

be warranted in drawing the inference that he took the 
matter philosophically, paid off his men, discharged 
them, returned to his home, said but little about the 
catastrophe, and immediately set to work upon other 
lines. 

Mr. Gray passed a considerable part of his life en- 
gaged in steamboating, and left four sons who have 
been steamboat captains. He was the author of a his- 
tory of Oregon, of 624 pages, which was published in 
1870. He wrote much for the newspapers, and was 
the author of several pamphlets discussing the story 
of Dr. Whitman and his labors for Oregon. He was 
for several years president of the Oregon Pioneer and 
Historical Society. He died in Portland, in 1889, 
at nearly eighty years of age. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

FATHER EELLS AND WHITMAN SEMINARY 

IN 1859, Father Eells, then acting as teacher in the 
Tualatin Academy, made a vacation visit to the 
former station of Dr. Whitman and the grave which 
contained the remains of Whitman, his wife, and other 
victims of the massacre. While standing by that grave, 
he solemnly promised the Heavenly Father that he 
would do what he could to establish a school of high 
order which should carry down to the future the name 
of Dr. Whitman. On reaching home he sought the 
advice of the Congregational Association, Its ap- 
proval was given in these words : 

" In the judgment of this Association the contemplated 
purpose of Brother C. Eells to remove to Waiilatpu to estab- 
lish a Christian school at that place, to be called Whitman 
Seminary, in memory of the noble deeds and great worth, 
and in fulfilment of the benevolent plans, of the lamented 
Dr. Whitman and wife; and his further purpose to act as a 
home missionary in the Walla Walla Valley, meet our cor- 
dial approbation, and shall receive our earnest support." 

During the winter following he obtained a charter 
for " Whitman Seminary " from the Territorial Legis- 
lature of Washington, and bought the mission premises 
containing 640 acres. In the spring of i860, he bor- 
rowed from Dr. William Geiger a yoke of oxen, and 

with his own pair of horses and wagon left his home 

16 

241 



242 MARCUS WHITMAN 

at Forest Grove, accompanied by his older son, then 
eighteen years of age, and set out for the Walla Walla 
Valley. On the Whitman premises, through the entire 
summer of 1880, Father Eells and his son lived in a 
log house, fourteen feet square, with the ground for 
a floor and a roof made of logs covered with earth. 
They cultivated the land during the week, and on 
Sunday Father Eells almost invariably preached here 
and there at different places in the valley. In the 
autumn they sold their crop of corn for $700 and re- 
turned to Forest Grove for the winter. 

The Eells family were separated again in the spring 
of 1 861, the mother and the younger son remaining 
at Forest Grove while the father and the other son 
made their annual journey to Waiilatpu, now known 
as the township of Whitman. In the fall of that year, 
since they were unable to sell their crops, the son said : 
" Father, you go home and take care of mother and 
Myron. I will stay here and sell the crops." The 
father took up his long journey to the Willamette 
Valley and the son remained through the winter. 

Rev. Myron C. Eells gives the following account : 

" A good family, C. H. Adams, wife and five children, 
and another young man wintered there with him — eight in 
all — in a house fourteen feet square with the ground for 
the floor and a dirt roof. It was a severe winter. Snow 
lay on the ground from December to March ; the mercury 
fell to 29 below zero ; almost all cattle died ; the ground 
floor in the house froze and thawed around the fire and 
made mud ; water froze in the drinking cup on the table 
at meals between drinks; Mr. Eells's son and another young 
man slept in a large freight wagon all winter, never taking 
off their clothes for seventy-two nights." 1 

In the spring of 1862, Mrs. Eells said to her hus- 

1 Myron Eells, Father Eells, p. 180. 



FATHER EELLS AND WHITMAN SEMINARY 243 

band: " Well, Father, if you are going to the mission 
station this summer, I 'm going with you." So Father 
Eells with his wife and younger son made the trip to- 
gether by steamer to The Dalles, and then 175 miles 
overland. An account of their departure has been 
given by Professor W. D. Lyman, who says : 

" Well do I remember, though not more than eight years 
old, the departure of the Eells family for Walla Walla, then 
a mysterious, far-away region, haunted by savages and 
mixed up with glowing accounts of fabulous mines, and 
gold bricks, and rich diggings. The little town of Forest 
Grove was all astir with the great event of the departure of 
Father Eells for the ' upper country.' When everything 
was packed and ready — and I remember with what activity 
he hurried about here and there with his boxes and bundles 
— he looked about on the little company of tearful neigh- 
bors — men, women, and wondering children — all of whom 
had known what the privations of that pioneer life were, and 
in his slow, solemn manner called on several to lead in 
prayer and then to sing. It must have seemed to one old 
enough to understand it almost like the parting of Paul 
from his disciples when they sorrowed most of all because 
they should see his face no more. And indeed it might 
almost have seemed the same to those from whom Father 
Eells was then parting. For the sanguinary records of 
Walla Walla, the deeds of blood that had before driven 
the missionaries out, made it seem to some of them almost 
like tempting Providence to go back so soon." * 

The family lived at the station ten years, and mean- 
time the way had opened for commencing operations 
with the seminary. A considerable settlement had 
been made a few miles from the station, and named 
Walla Walla. It seemed best to locate the seminary 
there rather than, in accordance with Eells' s first plan, 
at the station. In 1866, Dr. D. S. Baker gave to the 
seminary six acres of land on which it might be located, 

J Whitman Collegian, March, 1893. 



244 MARCUS WHITMAN 

directly within the village of Walla Walla. A two- 
story building, 20 x 46 feet, was erected during the 
summer and dedicated on Saturday, October 13, 1866. 
The school was opened the following Monday, October 
15th, with Rev. P. B. Chamberlain as principal and 
Miss M. A. Hodgdon and Miss E. W. Sylvester, as- 
sistants. For a number of years the school was kept 
open a few months each year, sometimes with a hired 
principal, and sometimes with Father Eells himself as 
preceptor. 

In 1882, Dr. A. J. Anderson, then president of the 
Territorial University at Seattle, was obtained as presi- 
dent of what was now to become Whitman College. 
He began his services in September, 1882, and forty 
of the leading citizens of Walla Walla guaranteed 
$3000 a year for three years to pay salaries. The next 
year a college charter was obtained and the institution 
entered upon its regular college work. After an ex- 
perience of less than twenty years it is one of the lead- 
ing colleges of the great Northwest. The first building 
has been enlarged by an extensive addition and made 
into a ladies' hall. A fine two-story building was im- 
mediately erected for college purposes, and within the 
last year or two the college has been successful in 
raising its first endowment fund. Dr. D. K. Pearsons 
gave to the college $50,000, on condition that $150,000 
more be raised for an endowment. This has been 
accomplished. 

The present president is Rev. S. B. L. Penrose, and 
he is assisted by a faculty of able men wholly devoted 
to their work. A large college building, called the 
" Whitman Memorial Building," has been erected as 
a gift from Dr. Pearsons. They have for some time 
greatly needed a new recitation hall and a young men's 





WHITMAN COLLEGE BUILDINGS 

i. Billings Hall 2. Conservatory of Music (the old College Building) 
3. Memorial Building 



FATHER EELLS AND WHITMAN SEMINARY 245 

dormitory. The number of students has rapidly in- 
creased, and at the present time the accommodations 
are not sufficient for all who apply. The future of 
this institution is very promising, but it is still in great 
need of funds. 

After forty-five years of consecutive service in Oregon 
and Washington as missionary, teacher, and preacher, 
Dr. Eells came east in 1883, being then seventy-four 
years of age. He came to solicit funds for the college, 
and he raised personally more than twelve thousand 
dollars. 

After his return west, he continued to labor unceas- 
ingly for the college and occasionally preached to his 
former friends, the Indians. He assisted many young 
churches in their infancy and weakness, in some cases 
preaching two years without any pay at all. From 1872 
to 1883, eleven years, he preached constantly both to 
Indians and whites with no stated salary from any 
source. At one time, for eleven weeks' service in Col- 
ville Valley he received about $250, all of which he 
gave away except enough for actual expenses. It was 
his custom, whenever a Congregational church was built, 
to present it with a bell ; and many of the churches of 
the present state of Washington have bells which 
were given to them by Father Eells when they were 
first built. 

His first donation to Whitman College was one half 
of the land, 320 acres, which had formerly been Dr. 
Whitman's mission premises. In all he gave person- 
ally to Whitman College the full sum of $10,000. He 
gave to the American Board $2500; to the American 
Educational Society, $1000. He gave to Pacific Uni- 
versity, which grew out of the Tualatin Academy at 
Forest Grove, the sum of $500, which was so profitably 



246 MARCUS WHITMAN 

invested that before his death the gift had increased 
to $12,500. To sixteen Congregational churches, 
most of them in Washington, he gave various sums 
from $50 to $1600, and the total amount of money 
which he gave directly to educational and benevolent 
purposes would aggregate more than $25,000. 

Ten years of his life were spent in missionary labors 
among the Indians, twenty-four years in educational, 
and eleven years in home mission work. He was a 
godly man, conscientious, excessively modest, thor- 
oughly devoted to his work. His last days were 
spent with his son Myron, and he died on February 
16, 1893, which was his birthday. He was just eighty- 
three years of age. 



CHAPTER XXV 

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE OREGON COUNTRY 

SIXTY years ago the feeling was widespread that 
the Oregon country would be useless to the 
United States. In 1842, the Louisville Courier- 
Journal declaimed vociferously against the acquisition 
of Oregon, with this declaration : 

" Of all the countries upon the face of the earth Oregon 
is one of the least favored by Heaven. It is the mere rid- 
dlings of creation. It is almost as barren as Sahara and 
quite as unhealthy as the campana of Italy. Russia has 
her Siberia and England her Botany Bay, and if the United 
States should ever need a country to which to banish her 
rogues and scoundrels, the utility of such a region as Oregon 
would be demonstrated." 

That country is now known to contain millions of 
acres of most fertile soil. It has large tracts of land 
that are fruitful beyond comparison. Out of it have 
been made the three great states of Oregon, Washing- 
ton, and Idaho, besides more than fifty thousand 
square miles in western Montana and Wyoming. The 
climate is healthful and the atmosphere invigorating. 
It lies between 42 and 49 north, yet even in that 
high latitude the climate is so mild that the tempera- 
ture seldom falls below the freezing point. 

Dr. T. T. Minor, in charge of the marine hospital 
on Puget Sound, wrote to a friend in Philadelphia, on 

247 



248 MARCUS WHITMAN 

the 23d of January, that the weather was delightful ; 
that English violets and wallflowers were in bloom in 
his garden, and that they had just transplanted their 
cabbage plants. The summers are remarkably delight- 
ful. The temperature is uniform, and the prevailing 
winds are north and west. The noonday heat ranges 
from 65 to 85 Fahrenheit, and the nights are so cool 
that a person would seldom be too warm sleeping 
under " two flannel blankets and a bed quilt." The 
country is therefore not subject to the evils resulting 
from sudden changes of temperature, as in some parts 
of other states. The exhilarating ocean breeze which 
sets in almost every day during the summer contributes 
greatly to purifying the atmosphere. 

Wheat, oats, rye, and barley can be cultivated with 
great success and with a large profit ; the quality of the 
grain is excellent and the yield is large. The writer 
has seen in Oregon a wheat-field of seventy acres, 
from which the crop averaged fifty-seven bushels to 
the acre and the wheat weighed from sixty-three to 
sixty-five pounds per bushel. From six hundred 
to eight hundred bushels of onions have been raised 
from a single acre, and a field of potatoes has been 
known to yield more than seven hundred and fifty 
bushels per acre. 

Cattle not only find excellent grazing in the summer, 
but also may receive their entire subsistence through- 
out the winter from grazing. The rivers of other sec- 
tions may furnish a greater variety of fish, but it may 
be doubted whether in any other part of the world a 
larger quantity of excellent fish, especially salmon, 
can be taken than from the waters of the Columbia, 
Puget Sound, and along the coast. 

The Oregon country is now directly connected with 



IMPORTANCE OF THE OREGON COUNTRY 249 

the Atlantic slope by four transcontinental railroads. 
The Columbia River furnishes the only commodious 
harbor between Puget Sound and San Francisco. 
Puget Sound has wonderful advantages from its deep 
water and perpendicular banks at the water's edge, 
and in this bay, a hundred miles in length, the navies 
of the world could float in salt water, thoroughly pro- 
tected from the winds of the Pacific Ocean. 

New York now vies with London in controlling the 
commerce of the world. During the year 1899, f° r 
the first time in history, the foreign exports from New 
York City had a superior tonnage and a greater value 
than the exports from London. The growth of the 
great interior city, Chicago, has been more rapid than 
that of any other city in the world's history. The 
third great city of our republic will quite probably 
be located on Puget Sound. The route from New 
York to Yokohama, via Puget Sound, being so much 
nearer to a great circle, is about eight hundred miles 
shorter than that by the way of San Francisco. 

Puget Sound is surrounded by immense forests of 
the finest timber in the world, in such great quantities 
that it is impossible to exhaust the supply. The tim- 
ber trade from that region to all parts of the world is 
now large, and it has been estimated that at the 
present rate of cutting, it would take a thousand 
years to market the timber which has already attained 
its best growth. A flag-staff, erected a few years ago 
on the lawn in front of a New England dwelling house, 
was brought from Puget Sound around Cape Horn. 
It was one hundred and twenty-five feet high, nine 
inches through at the top, and the tree was five hun- 
dred years old when it was cut down. 

When President Hayes made a visit to this region, 



250 MARCUS WHITMAN 

in 1879, ne anc * his party were taken on board a small 
steamboat at Seattle and carried out to an island 
where was situated one of the largest sawmills. A log 
was ready to be rolled over upon the carriage, and 
the President of the United States was requested to 
saw off from this log the four slabs. It was put in its 
proper place upon the long carriage and clamped. 
The President was then requested to start the saw in 
motion and saw off the first slab. He did so and 
brought the carriage back. The log was then turned 
over, the flat side downward, again clamped in its 
place, and the President sawed off the second slab; 
and in like manner the third and the fourth. There 
was left upon the carriage a stick of timber four feet 
square and one hundred feet long. If that square 
stick of timber were sawed into half-inch boards, it 
would make boards enough to cover a building one 
hundred feet square and sixty feet high, and put a 
roof over it. The four slabs which the President 
sawed off would furnish timber enough to make the 
frame and all the boarding needed inside and out for 
the building of a two-story house, four rooms upon 
each floor. Furthermore, this piece was but one third 
the length of the tree. These illustrations* have been 
given to furnish some sort of an adequate idea of the 
timber of that region. 

It seems likely that a large part of even British and 
European trade with eastern Asia will be carried on 
across the North American continent. Tea is now 
unloaded in New York, whole train-loads at a time, 
which has been received from Yokohama, via the 
Canadian Pacific Railroad, in twenty-one days. 

The population of Oregon is now five times, and 
that of Washington ten times, what it was twenty-five 



IMPORTANCE OF THE OREGON COUNTRY 251 

years ago. The population of California is more than 
three times what it was twenty-five years ago. What 
the population of this Pacific coast will be a century 
hence is almost beyond conjecture. What the absolute 
and the relative importance, politically and commer- 
cially, of that distant section of our republic will be 
in the year 2000 no one surely would venture to predict 
to-day. 



APPENDIX 



APPENDIX 

TT is with much satisfaction that the following documents, 
* which throw light upon the history of events as set 
forth in this book, are presented. Most of these have been 
copied, after much research and careful examination, from 
the records and letters connected with the Oregon mission, 
on file in the rooms of the American Board of Commis- 
sioners for Foreign Missions, in the Congregational House, 
Boston. These documents consist of the following: 

i. A paper by Dr. Whitman on the Indians west of the 
Rocky Mountains. Page 256. 

2. Letter from Dr. Whitman, written from the Methodist 
mission, at the Shawnee Manual Labor School, May 30, 

1843. Page 262. 

3. Letter from Dr. Whitman after his return to Oregon, 
dated November 1, 1843. Page 264. 

4. Extract from letter of Dr. Whitman, dated Waiilatpu, 
April 8, 1844. Page 268. 

5. Letter from Dr. Whitman to the Secretary of War, 
with a proposed bill for the organization of Oregon, June, 

1844. Page 274. 

6. The last letter written by Dr. Whitman to the secre- 
tary of the Board, October 18, 1847. Page 284. 

7. Memorial from Dr. Whitman to the Secretary of War, 
October, 1847. Page 287. 

8. Letter from Rev. Cushing Eells to the secretary of 
the Board, giving an account of the massacre, December 
10, 1847. Page 291. 

9. Letter from Rev. H. H. Spalding to the secretary 

255 



256 MARCUS WHITMAN 

of the Board, giving an account of the massacre, January 
8, 1848. Page 300. 

10. Letter from Rev. H. H. Spalding, dated January 
24, 1848. Page 304. 

11. Letter from Rev. Cushing Eells, with an address to 
the Indian chiefs by Chief Factor Ogden in behalf of the 
American prisoners held by the Indians after the massacre, 
and a letter from Mr. Ogden to Mr. Walker. Page 312. 

12. Various accounts of the massacre, received via 
Honolulu, February, 1848. Page 317. 

13. Letter from Rev. H. H. Spalding to the parents of 
Mrs. Whitman, dated April 6, 1848, and copied from the 
Geneva Courier. Page 323. 



PAPER BY DR. WHITMAN ON INDIANS WEST OF 
ROCKY MOUNTAINS 

Boston, April 7, 1843. 
Rev. David Greene, 

Secretary of the A. B. C. F. M. 

Dear Sir: In presenting you with a brief account of 
that part of the Oregon mission to which I am attached I 
shall best make you understand all its parts by giving a 
general view of the migratory habits of the people, and the 
manner in which these govern and modify the opportunities 
for religious instruction and attention to agriculture. 

The months of February and March bring a return of the 
Indians from their winter dispersion in order to commence 
the agricultural year and also to avail themselves of such 
provisions as were stowed the previous fall; of which pota- 
toes, corn and wheat form an important part. The months 
February, March, and April are mostly occupied with the 
labor of preparing and plowing the ground. About fifty 
cultivate in the vicinity of Waiilatpu varying from one 
fourth of an acre to three or four. A number of others 
have smaller patches mostly of potatoes which still do much 
for a poor and often fatherless family. I have been most 
agreeably surprised by being called on by individuals to 
grind corn for them the last of June, but more especially 



APPENDIX 257 

by an old man that is deprived, by a rheumatic affliction, 
of the help of his wife, in providing food ; who said to me 
last fall after the corn harvest, " I want to get four or five 
bags of last year's corn ground as my new crop is now se- 
cured." I adduce this as evidence of growing economy and 
industry. The first and second year all were furnished 
with one or two grubbing hoes by the Station who were 
thought likely to make a good use of them. Plows have 
of late either been lent or sold to all who were able and de- 
sired to use them. Seed was furnished the first three years 
without particular restriction not only to those near the 
Station, but to those also from a distance. Since that time 
we demand pay except when we are convinced there has 
been no neglect to save it for themselves. Our object has 
ever been to aid them in a way most effectually to call forth 
their own energy, economy and resource. I may remark 
that the effort to cultivate has not been confined to the 
Station only, but has had a very general introduction with 
more or less success among most of the Indians at their re- 
spective places of resort. At Lapwai, the Station of Mr. 
Spalding and its vicinity, there has been as much success 
in cultivation as at Waiilatpu and the number who cultivate 
are greater and I believe the quantity of ground is more. 
Near the vacant Station at Komiah a great addition was made 
the last year to the cultivated lands of the Indians besides 
the land of the Station most of which was cultivated by 
them also. At this, as also at the other Stations, the last 
season a number of cattle were brought from the Wallamette 
settlement in exchange for horses. One horse is given for 
a cow of the California breed. The Indians have from 
fifty to seventy horned cattle, mostly cows, which they 
have obtained partly from the H. B. Company, the settlers 
and Methodist Mission on the Wallamette, the Board's 
Mission, and then the last year from emigrants. One Ind- 
ian only has been furnished with any sheep by our Mission. 
That was in payment for care taken of sheep of the Mission 
in the winter, to guard them from wolves. The number 
who resort to the Waiilatpu Station has not greatly changed 
since its formation, but all do not now attend our meeting 
as formerly; some having adopted the Papal forms. 

Their migrations are much in the following order and 
number. The spring return is the most general and least 
changing of any of their visits to the Station. During this 



258 MARCUS WHITMAN 

period the congregations on the Sabbath have been from 
two to four hundred and from twenty to fifty on week day 
evenings. Planting commences about the middle of April, 
which is also the period for commencing the Kamsh harvest. 
To obtain this root, which is a farinaceous one, known by 
savages and traders as the biscuit-root, they have to dis- 
perse along the streams coming out of the Blue Mountains. 
Some are not more than ten or fifteen miles from the Station, 
while others are thirty or forty. This root forms a great 
staple of native food and will be likely for a long time to 
hold, in the minds of the natives, a collateral station with 
the cultivated roots and grains. From six to eight weeks 
are given to gathering, drying, and depositing this root. 
During this time from the tenth to the fifteenth of May, the 
salmon arrive and some fruits are ripe and each receive 
their share of attention. At this season all the smaller 
tributaries of the Columbia are barred by a web or wicker- 
work of willows for taking salmon. The skill and resource 
of the natives is well displayed in this simple construction 
and their small toil amply repayed by the ease with which 
a very considerable number are taken. While thus occu- 
pied, they visit the Station in order to attend to the hoeing 
and cultivation of their crops, a labor in most cases per- 
formed with care and neatness. The last weeks of June 
bring the usual period for those to leave who go after 
buffalo and the same period marks the time for getting the 
Kamsh. A migration of from forty to sixty miles brings 
them across the Blue Mountains to the southeast into the 
Grande Ronde, which is a large Kamsh plain. Here also 
the River of Grande Ronde abounds with fish and the 
mountains with bear, elk and deer. The wheat harvest, 
which begins the latter part of July, and the care of their 
other crops bring many around the Station from this time 
to the first of October, or until the potato harvest is passed. 
During this period there are more about the Station than 
at any period except the spring, and our congregation 
averages from fifty to two hundred. This period is marked 
by a great number coming and remaining for a short time 
and then going again and others coming; rather than by 
great numbers remaining stationary for any considerable 
time. During this period their attention is divided between 
their crops and herds, hunting and fishing and preparing 
dried fruit. 



APPENDIX 259 

Soon after the potatoes are secured they begin to disperse 
for winter quarters. From fifty to sixty only remain during 
the winter, and thus the year comes round and February 
and March bring them back again. As many are benefited 
by this Station who seldom, if ever, bring their families to 
the Station as there are who migrate to and from it. Indi- 
viduals from these places visit the Station for the purpose 
of being taught and to receive medicine and other favors. 
Occasional visits are also made to some of these places and 
instruction imparted. In this way an extensive acquaint- 
ance is made and much useful information and religious 
instruction given. Those who resort to this Station are 
the Waiilatpu, Walla Walla, and Numipu Indians. A gen- 
eral good attendance is given to religious worship, and 
solemn and thoughtful and careful attention to instruction. 
Worship is maintained by the principal men morning and 
evening, to which a general attendance is given. 

Those who do not attend in this way have what comes 
nearer family worship in their separate lodges. Their 
migrations do not form any exception to this practice that 
I know of. I have abundant evidence of the restraining 
power of religious truth upon the minds of the natives both 
from remarks and observations of their own, and from my 
own observation. A noted chief of great supernatural and 
charm notoriety has often told me what he would have done 
in cases such as he named ; intimating in what way he would 
have taken revenge or resorted to violence, but he added, 
" I am made weak by what I have been taught of my future 
accountability." Murder, violence and revenge were a 
terror to him now. The most violent and vexed states of 
rage I have ever seen among them have calmly yielded into 
kindness and perhaps submission under its restraining in- 
fluence. 

The superstitions of the supernatural agencies of 
magic, charm and sorcery are universal and by no means 
easily eradicated. Their legend is that the present race of 
beasts, birds, reptiles and fish were once a race of men, 
who inhabited the globe before the present race. That 
they were doomed to their present state from that of men, 
but that still their language is retained, and these beasts, 
birds, reptiles and fish have the power to convey this lan- 
guage to the people into whom they transfix themselves as 
they think them able to do. For the very comfort and 
17 



2 6o MARCUS WHITMAN 

purpose of obtaining this transfixture boys were required 
to leave the lodge and repair to the mountains alone, and 
there to stay for several days without food in order to be 
addressed in this manner by some of these supernatural 
agencies and receive the transfixing of some one or more 
beast, bird, reptile or fish into his body. Some return 
without any assurance of the kind. Others believe them- 
selves to be addressed and are very free to tell what was 
said to them, and what beast or bird addressed them, while 
others profess great secrecy and claim great reverence on 
account of their magic possession. At these times they 
profess to be told what is to be their future character and 
in what way to secure honor, wealth and long life; how 
they will be invulnerable, and if wounded, by what means 
they may recover themselves. This generally consists in 
directions how to cast off the exhausted blood and then to 
sit in a stream of water and sing as he so teaches him to do 
and he will be cured. In this way they say one person 
becomes possessed of power to strike or shoot another with 
an invisible influence or arrow as it may be, so that disease 
and death will follow. This is the foundation of the sys- 
tem of sorcery as seen in the so-called Medicine Men, but 
truly conjurers. Most of their efforts to care for the sick 
consist in obtaining one medicine man to counteract an- 
other, who is supposed to have caused the sickness. This 
is attempted by calling on one of these sorcerers, who calls 
to his aid a number of persons to sing and beat upon sticks 
with a horrible noise, while he goes through with singing, 
talking, contorting himself and using incoherent expressions 
supposed to be repeating what he knows of the language of 
the former race of men as delivered him by the beast, bird, 
reptile or fish whose transfix, which he has in his body, is 
helping him to conjure. After a sufficient display of this 
kind and a full lecture to his coadjutors about the disease, 
its cause and cure, he proceeds to extract the evil by pla- 
cing his hands on the diseased or painful spot and extracting, 
as it were by magic power, and then if successful he casts 
himself upon the floor with his hands in water as though 
what he had extracted burnt his hands. He then shows 
what he has drawn out and afterwards drives it off into the 
broad space and prognosticates a cure. But when he sees 
a prospect of death he often points out some one whom he 
says is causing the sickness and declares the other to be 



APPENDIX 261 

possessed of a more powerful agent than himself so that he 
cannot overcome him. In the event of death in such a 
case as this, they watch the dying person to see if any ex- 
pression is made by him to confirm and fix suspicion upon 
the person named, and all are careful to remember if any 
hard words had passed or any cause whatever confirms the 
suspicion. Very often in cases of this kind nothing can save 
the conjurer, but one or more conspire to kill him. The 
number and horror of the deaths of this kind that have come 
under my observation and knowledge have been great. In 
the same way individuals arrogate to themselves power over 
the winds, the clouds, the rain, the snow and the seasons. 
In short, all and every desired or desirable object is attrib- 
uted [to] and looked for from this source: some are losing 
their confidence in such power, while others are yet strong 
in the belief. 

A young man under this influence shot himself through 
the body last July in order to convince his countrymen of 
the strength of his supernatural and protecting agent. The 
ball entered the abdomen a little to the right and below the 
umbilicus and came out by an oblique line above and near 
the spine on the same side. This occurred sixty miles 
from my house at the Grande Ronde, and the third day he 
encamped near me for the night, and I saw him and exam- 
ined his wound in the morning. He was walking round 
and getting ready to move on and rode off on horseback. 
This was the second trial of his strength, having shot him- 
self through much the same way about two years before. 
The cicatrix where the ball entered was near the last wound 
on the right side below the umbicilus, and that when it 
escaped was behind but near the spine on the left side and 
higher up on the body. This must have passed the large 
artery called the Aorta in its oblique course across the 
body. The body was preserved from the flash by his leather 
skirt. He will now be able to make himself reverenced and 
thought to be a strong mystery or medicine man. 

The school has been more interrupted at our Station than 
at Lapwai, where Mrs. Spalding has taught a number of 
people and children to read and write their own language. 

This document is not signed, but is filed and marked 
" Dr. M. Whitman, Rec'd April 7. Boston, 7 Apl. 1843." 



262 MARCUS WHITMAN 



LETTER FROM DR. WHITMAN, MAY, 1843 

Methodist Mission at the Shawnee Manual Labor School, 

May 30, 1843. 
Rev. David Greene, 

Secretary of the A. B. C. F. M. 

My Dear Sir : You will be surprised to see that we are 
not yet started. Lieutenant Fremont left this morning. 
The emigrants have some of them just gone and others 
have been gone a week and some are yet coming on. I 
shall start to-morrow. I regret I could not have spent 
some of the time spent here in suspense, with my friends at 
the East. 

I have only a lad of thirteen, my nephew, with me. I take 
him to have some one to stay with Mrs. Whitman. I 
cannot give you much of an account of the emigrants until 
we get on the road. It is said that there are over two 
hundred men besides women and children. They look 
like a fair representative of a country population. Few, I 
conclude, are pious. Fremont intends to return by land so 
as to be back early in winter. Should he succeed in doing 
so we may be able to send you an account of the Mission and 
country at that time. We do not ask you to become the 
patrons of emigration to Oregon, but we desire you to use 
your influence that, in connection with all the influx into 
the country, there may be a fair proportion of good men of 
our own denomination who shall avail themselves of the 
advantages of the country in common with others. Also 
that ministers should come out as citizens or under the 
Home Missionary Society. We think agents of the Board 
and of the Home Missionary Society, as also ministers and 
good men in general, may do much to send a share of 
good, pious people to that country. We cannot feel it to 
be at all just that we do nothing, while worldly men and 
Papists are doing so much. De Smet's business to Europe 
can be seen, I think, at the top of the 233 page of his 
Indian Sketches, etc. You will see by his book, I think, 
that the papal effort is designed to convey over the country 
to the English. I mentioned in my former letter that it 
would be well for you to buy this book. It is to be had at 
the Catholic book stores. 



APPENDIX 263 

I wish to say a few words about manufactures in Oregon, 
that I may remove an impression that they cannot compete 
with the English. First, let us take the operatives and the 
raw material from the Pacific Islands. It matters not at 
how much labor the Islander cleans the cotton, for it gives 
him employment and for that he gets goods, and then for 
his coffee and sugar and salt and cotton, etc., etc., he gets 
goods also. This is all an exchange trade that only a popu- 
lation and manufacturers in Oregon can take advantage of, 
because they alone will want the articles of exchange which 
the Islander can give. The same will hold good in relation 
to Indians whenever they shall have sheep, and I intend to 
try and have the Government give them sheep instead of 
money, a result not likely to be delayed long. A good man 
or company can now select the best mill sites and spots, 
and likely would find a sawmill profitable at once. I 
think our greatest hope for having Oregon at least part 
Protestant now lies in encouraging a proper intention of 
good men to go there while the country is open. I want to 
call your attention to the operation of Farnham of Salem 
and the Bensons of New York in Oregon. I am told cred- 
ibly that secretly Government aids them with the secret 
service fund. Captain Howard of Maine is also in expec- 
tation of being employed by Government to take out emi- 
grants by ship should the Oregon bill pass. You will find 
the addresses of Farnham and Bensons by a little inquiry 
and likely other facts may appear. 

I hope you will send out the minister for our mission 
next year, also that others may come as citizens either to 
be employed by the mission, or to settle near us as may be 
agreed and as may be best after full understanding and 
they have opportunity to judge. I expect to draw a bill 
for a few dollars over a hundred to complete my outfit and 
pay off some arrears for the Spaniard who came in with me. 

With best regard and desire fully to exercise a spirit of 
co-operation, 

I am, Dear Sir, 

Yours truly, 

(Signed) Marcus Whitman. 



264 MARCUS WHITMAN 



LETTER FROM DR. WHITMAN AFTER HIS RETURN 
TO OREGON 

Fort Walla Walla, November I, 1843. 

Rev. David Greene, 

Secretary of the A. B. C. F. M., 
Mission House, Boston. 

My Dear Sir: I cannot at this moment say very much, 
as the Company's express boats are looked for hourly. 

My journey across the mountains was very much pro- 
longed by the necessity for me to pilot the emigrants. I 
tried in vain to come ahead at different points, but found 
it would be at the risk of the disaster to the emigrants of 
having to leave their wagons without the possibility of ob- 
taining a sufficient number of horses to take any consider- 
able part of their families and necessary food and clothing. 
By taking a light horse wagon I was enabled to come ahead 
from Fort Boise. At the Grande Ronde, east of the Blue 
Mountains, I met a letter from Mr. Walker written at Lap- 
wai urging me to come with speed to see Mr. and Mrs. 
Spalding, who were both in a dangerous state of sickness. 

At this point I engaged one of the Waiilatpu (Stickus l ) to 
complete the piloting of the company across the Blue 
Mountains into the main Columbia valley, which he did in 
a most judicious and faithful manner, and I hired a fresh 
horse and guide and went direct to Mr. Spalding's. I 
arrived on Monday evening, 25th September. I found 
both Mr. and Mrs. Spalding in a fair way to recover, but 
Mrs. Spalding showed that few ever recover from as low a 
state as that to which she had been reduced. At the time 
I was there both their children were taken with the 
same disease of which it appears their parents were sick 
(Scarlatina). After a severe sickness all recovered, but I 
fear from recent letters from Mr. Spalding and from the 
fact of Mrs. Spalding's having had a cough for the last 
year that she is just tending to a pulmonary consumption. 
Mr. Walker was there and Mr. Geiger also, who was in 
charge at Waiilatpu, had been sent for. I did not stay but 
one night and then returned with Mr. Geiger to Waiilatpu, 
1 Pr. Eells called his name " Istikas." 



APPENDIX 265 

which had been left in the care of one Indian only; the 
wheat being in chaff and out of doors and part of the corn 
to be gathered by them also. In the meantime some of the 
advance parties of the emigrants on horseback had reached 
and broke open the house and left it open to the Indians, 
although wheat, corn, potatoes, garden vegetables, hogs and 
cattle were in abundance outside. After one day's rest I 
went to Tshimakain to attend Mrs. Eells, who had Jthe 
addition of a son on the sixth of October. I left for home 
the same day and rested the Sabbath and reached home on 
Tuesday the ninth about eight o'clock in the evening. 

In the meantime a large part of the emigrants had passed 
my house with their wagons. All came in their turns and were 
supplied with provisions. I soon put a small pair of (hand) 
mill stones running by water, so that the latter part of the 
emigration got grinding done. My wheat, beef, and most 
of my hogs and corn and many of my potatoes have been 
furnished them. Lieutenant Fremont's party have come 
last of all and are still to be supplied, for which and much 
of my own living I shall be obliged to call on Mr. Spalding. 
Mr. Geiger was alone most of the year with the Indians. 
Few could have done better. I have dismissed him and 
settled at thirty dollars for a month. I have been at Was- 
kopum, the station near the Dalles of the Methodist Mis- 
sion, after Mrs. Whitman, whom I have brought thus far 
on our way home. Mr. Jason Lee was there and had pro- 
vided her with a passage to that place from the Wallamette, 
where she had spent some time. Mr. Lee was in a most 
interesting religious state of mind. He had just come from 
a series of religious meetings among the settlers of the Wal- 
lamette, wherein they had been greatly blessed by the 
conversion of many of the most hardened and the reclama- 
tion of backslidden professors. He is in no way discour- 
aged himself, but says if any of their mission have made up 
their minds to leave he will encourage them to go home 
as soon as possible. I think great good is doing by them 
among the settlers. Mr. Clark also has a prosperous 
church, but Mr. Griffin seems to be doing little or no good. 

Mrs. Whitman's health has been poor for the last year, but 
from the care of Doctor Barclay at Vancouver (principally), 
and Doctors Tohmie, White and Babcock, she is some- 
what relieved but not recovered. The Indians have suc- 
ceeded well in cultivating and never treated me and the 



266 MARCUS WHITMAN 

mission better than at present. The Waiilatpu have also 
been most kind to the emigrants, notwithstanding the ex- 
citement of last winter and spring. Some of the Indians 
between this post and the Dalles have been very thievish 
and saucy to the emigrants. They are, however, of the 
poorest, lowest and least formidable class of Indians. 

Lieutenant Fremont has gone below to Vancouver with 
the intention to return by the fifteenth instant and make his 
way at once back by the head of the Missouri to the States 
this fall and winter, in which case I shall write by him; but 
it seems to me he may still charter a small American brig 
which is in the river below and go down to Panama and cross 
the Isthmus and from thence reach the United States. The 
prospective help of the mission this year is one man, hired 
by Mr. Spalding, and one man and family and a school 
teacher, whom I have selected from the emigrants and sent 
to that station. At Waiilatpu I expect Mr. Littlejohn will 
take the land now in cultivation on shares, the station to 
keep the fences in repair and furnish seed, tools and 
team, and receive two thirds of the crop. There are two 
other families who stop with us for the winter to whom I 
intend to give employment by the job in cutting and split- 
ting rails, making fences and breaking new land. We have 
not found any yet to go and assist Mr. Walker or Eells, 
but hope we shall be able to do so soon. We hope you 
will be able to send us a minister for Waiilatpu who will 
be an able, warm-hearted minister for the English language, 
and well fitted to come in contact with frontier men such 
as are likely to come from Missouri, Arkansas and other 
western or southern states. This must be in addition to 
his native instructions and qualifications to come in contact 
with Papacy. It is asking but little to request two minis- 
ters for this language, for in case of the removal or death 
of Mr. Spalding or myself the knowledge of the language 
would be limited to so few that little could be done. The 
Indians where Mr. Smith was want a missionary. You will 
do as you think best about encouraging laborers and 
teachers to come as emigrants and labor a time for the mis- 
sion. There can be no doubt but settlers will settle in this 
upper country, and what we very much want is good men 
to settle, two, three or four in a place, and secure a good 
location and hold a good influence over the Indians and 
sustain religious institutions as a nucleus for society and 



APPENDIX 267 

keep back papacy. Through your agents an influence to 
favor this could go through New England and New York 
without at all becoming a source of sectarian jealousy or 
exciting the papists to greater effort. It may be said with- 
out fear of disappointing the emigrant from these states, 
that in the middle mission of Oregon by the herding system 
he can keep the year round one thousand sheep as cheaply 
and easily as he can keep one hundred where he now lives. 

The Home Missionary Society ought to be called on to 
care for Oregon, the Methodists will gather all the first fruits 
of the settlements, and Congregationalists and Presbyterians 
will all as of necessity look to them for religious institu- 
tions. An early provision ought to be made for schools in 
this country. Unless the Board gets a special grant of the 
land the mission occupies, it will be likely to be taken from 
the mission by pre-emption whenever Congress takes pos- 
session of the country and grants land to settlers. I regret 
much that I was obliged so soon to return to this country, 
but nothing was more evidently my duty. Great incon- 
venience has occurred and expense by my absence as well 
as my expense, yet I do not regret having visited the States, 
for I feel that this country must either be American or else 
foreign and mostly papal. If I never do more than to have 
been one of the first to take white women across the mountains 
and prevent the disaster and reaction which would have occurred 
by the breaking up of the present emigration, and establishing 
the first wagon road across to the border of the Columbia 
River I am satisfied. I cannot feel that we can look on 
and see foreign and papal influence making its greatest 
efforts and we hold ourselves as expatriated and neutral. 
I am determined to exert myself for my country and to 
procure such regulations and laws as will best secure both 
the Indians and white men in their transit and settlement 
intercourse. Mr. Spalding thinks a good work of grace 
was bestowed on the Indians of his station last winter and 
he admitted a considerable number to the church. He has 
expressed a much better state of feeling towards the mem- 
bers of the mission and the Board since his sickness, the 
reception of your letter and my return, than ever before. 

With best regard and fullest confidence, 
I am, yours truly, 

(Signed) Marcus Whitman. 



268 MARCUS WHITMAN 



EXTRACT FROM LETTER OF REV. MARCUS WHITMAN 
DATED WAIILATPU, APRIL 8, 1 844 

. . . A congregation of from two to three hundred 
have been in attendance on the Sabbath since some time in 
February, besides many more who come and go and have 
more or less opportunity of instruction. There is nothing 
especially different in their attention upon religious instruc- 
tion from formerly, further than an evident gradual increase 
in knowledge. I think there is less evidence of regard to 
Papal forms than formerly, notwithstanding an apparent 
desire on the part of some to try and make use of the differ- 
ence between us to enable them to secure some selfish pur- 
pose. Some most arch grievances were brought against 
our course, which were based on the authority of Tom 
Hill, a Delaware Indian who is now in the mountains with 
the Nez Perces and Flathead Indians, but finding it diffi- 
cult to maintain the position on such authority the indi- 
vidual said: " My friend, it is not Tom Hill only that says 
so, the Papal priests also say the same thing." The Indians 
say they are told that we ought to expend more liberally on 
them and that it is peculiarly our duty to do so. That we 
do not give goods for nothing and give large prices for all 
we get of them and break their lands for nothing. These 
are among their greatest grievances. They complain that 
they have been obliged to teach us their language and we 
have not taught them ours in turn. They have always, 
however, caused themselves to be paid for teaching us lan- 
guage and even then a teacher has been hard to obtain and 
keep. From their manner of speaking it would seem there 
were those who teach them to use as an apology for their 
foolishness and sin, that it cannot be expected so long as 
they are taught only in their own language, wear their usual 
clothing with long hair and have not regular houses to live 
in, that they could be changed from their old habits. All 
these they would fain think come in the legitimate line of 
our duty to provide for them by expending for their benefit. 
It seems to be a legitimate object with them to throw every 
possible difficulty in the way to benefit them and then to 
blame us for not having done for them all that was neces- 



APPENDIX 269 

sary to make them not only civilized, but rich and enlight- 
ened as it were without their own effort. 

Some of the emigrants wintered with us, and Mr. 
Looney was anxious to stay until June or September, if he 
could either get work in breaking land for the Indians and 
take his pay in horses, or if he could get land to plant for 
himself in peace. But they would not pay for breaking 
land, inasmuch as it was their own land, and their jealousy 
would not permit him to plant for himself as they fear that 
the Americans are going to overrun the country. They 
also forbid me to break a new field, as I desired lest I 
should make money out of their lands by supplying emi- 
grants. They probably have a desire so far as they can to 
engross the profits of supplying the emigration themselves 
and do not wish to have competition. Last fall they must 
have done much more towards it than the mission, as 
almost the entire party had to be furnished by them and 
the mission for the remainder of their journey to Vancouver 
and Willamette, and also Lieutenant Fremont and his 
party. The Indians say they have been told by the Papists 
not to be afraid that we should leave them by their press- 
ing us, but if we should be vexed to remove, to be calm and 
see us go off, having only the feeling that they are going; 
that Mr. Spalding and myself were not all the Americans 
in the world, and that more and better would come to sup- 
ply our place. One of them told me that Mr. Blanchet 
told him if they would send me away he would send a mis- 
sion among them. I tell them all plainly that I do not 
refuse to go away if they prefer the Papists to us, and urge 
them to decide if they wished me to do so, but that I 
should not go except at the full expression of the people, 
desiring me so to do. None of them as yet have been 
found to express such a desire. They are told all that the 
Delawares, Shawnees, and Iroquois know of the intercourse 
of Americans and Indians, as well as much more equally 
bad from other sources, so that their expectations are great 
with regard to the sale of their lands, a thing they are not 
opposed to do, but wish to drive a bargain. It is not 
strange at such a time that they are agitated. 

They are very anxious to establish claims to particular 
tracts among themselves, which causes them to drive one 
and another off from their cultivated spots and which I 
have no doubt, is a step to prepare to have individual claims 



270 MARCUS WHITMAN 

to sell to Americans. With all this there is less disposition 
to disturb and perplex than might be expected. I have no 
doubt but the intention is to manage peaceably towards the 
whites. It is important that you lay the case of the mission 
before Congress, and obtain a grant of land for each sta- 
tion, for if the bill passes giving land to settlers, the stations 
we occupy may at once be located from beneath us. Rev. 
Jason Lee has gone home mostly to obtain grants to their 
mission. 

Perhaps in some way, as we have so eminently aided 
the Government by being among the first to cross the moun- 
tains and the first to bring white women over, and last but 
not least, as I brought the late emigration on to the shores 
of the Columbia with their wagons contrary to all former 
assertions of the impossibility of the route, we may be 
allowed the rights of private citizens, by taking lands in the 
country. As the tenor of our missionary operations is so 
uncertain it may be well for the Board, for us to exercise 
the rights of citizens, in case of the Government's occupy- 
ing the country. 

There have been several peculiar causes of agitation 
among the Indians the past year, such as the introduction 
of laws by Doctor White as Indian Agent in the name of 
the American Government. He represented himself as 
having power to settle all difficulties between whites and 
Indians and to send any person out of this Upper Country, 
including missionaries, in case they did not teach as they 
ought. This brought him to be the repository for all sup- 
posed grievance both civil and religious. It is in vain to 
urge that the Indians adopted the laws of themselves. The 
principal chief said, they would have preferred their own if 
left to their own choice. They have become a mere form, 
as there are none to execute them. They wish mostly to 
use them to establish complaints against white men rather 
than punish offenders of their own people. I have no con- 
fidence in two codes of laws for one country. If the Indi- 
ans are not wise enough to either give laws to their own 
country, both for themselves and others, or to partake with 
the whites in the formation of them, they must submit to 
the laws of the immigration that comes among them as 
others do. For it is evident that there should be but one 
code for both the native and the settler in the country. 

Last fall there was a difficulty between the Indians on 



APPENDIX 271 

the Chutes River and some of the Snakes. Some of the 
people from that quarter having gone to trade with the 
Snake Indians were killed. A party headed by Walaptu- 
likt, a Hains, went to avenge it, and killed several of the 
Snakes, returned, and danced the triumph of victory over 
their scalps. Two murders have since occurred. The first 
was the murder of a sorceress by Makai, the father of a 
young man that had died suddenly from the superstition 
that he was killed by her sorcery. The second, which 
took place in the immediate vicinity of this station, was by 
a relative of the sorceress, partly from the excitement of 
her death and partly from a desire to possess himself of 
some cattle left by one of the Indians that was killed by 
the Snakes, as mentioned above. Neither of these have 
been punished by the chiefs nor is there any prospect of its 
being done. 

Mr. Spalding has had severe trials with regard to the 
action of the Indians in taking away the cultivated lands 
from Timothy, one of the church members. He is a fearless 
man to rebuke sin, and this gives him many enemies. But 
probably this is not all. His industry in cultivating has 
enabled him to have a surplus of grain to sell, which prob- 
ably is a source of jealousy. 

William Craig, a white man from the mountains, whose 
wife is a native, and a connection of Old James, the re- 
puted owner of the valley in which Mr. Spalding's station 
is located, is living near the station, and has been for sev- 
eral years. He is said, both by Indians and others, to be 
the mover of the measure of the Indians to send Timothy 
off his land. He is busy in trying to excite the people 
against the laws as recommended by Doctor White, and 
also says much in favor of the Papists, a predilection of no 
long standing. The family with whom he is connected say 
that they are determined to obtain a Papal priest to come 
among them. The Indian with whom Mr. Smith had the 
difficulty at Hamiah, and of whom he complained so much, 
has shown both here and at Lapwai how much he regrets 
his leaving. He feels as though he made confession and 
recantation immediately, but that notwithstanding, Mr. 
Smith would go, and that ever since his heart has wept. 
All in that region are very anxious to have a missionary 
among them. Mr. Smith's teacher spoke of the hard labor 
required to instruct new missionaries in the language and 



272 MARCUS WHITMAN 

the length of time before they could be successful teachers. 
This he said in favor of cherishing those they have among 
them. He said he was afraid lest his people should be 
drawn away after the Papists, and also told me that the 
priest among the Flatheads had invited him to be bap- 
tized, as he was entitled to be considered a part of that 
tribe, not on the part of one of his parents only, but be- 
cause he spoke the language also. He said to him, " No, I 
have been fearfully instructed in relation to baptism." He 
was also shown a cut in which Protestants were represented 
as persecuting Papists by death. 

13th. Since writing the above a most barbarous murder 
occurred on the night of the nth instant, a short distance 
from our door. The murdered was a sorcerer and became 
a prey to that superstition, being murdered by his intimate 
friends. A death having taken place in the family of a 
brother of the murderer, at a distance from this place, a 
messenger was sent to bring the news, and orders for the 
younger brothers to kill the sorcerer, which was promptly 
obeyed the same night. It was perpetrated in a public 
gambling scene and no one attempted to avert the blows, 
but all fled and left them to complete the work of death, 
which was done with a sword in the most shocking manner. 
The impress of this superstition is so strong that it seems 
impossible for us to make any impression on the native 
mind to disabuse them from the feeling that their friends 
are as literally killed by sorcery and with as much malice 
prepense as in any other case of actual murder. Hence the 
feeling of justice in killing them as condemned murderers; 
a practice which has descended from father to son. 

An affair of much interest took place a short time since 
at the Falls of the Willamette between the settlers and some 
Indians of the Molala tribe. The Molalas speak the same 
language as the Hains, and are said to have been separated 
from them in their ancient wars with the Snakes. It was 
reported that Doctor White had offered a reward of one 
hundred dollars for the arrest of an Indian. With this 
understanding Mr. La Breten and a black man went to 
take him as he came from the opposite side of the river from 
the village. They came upon him only, his companions 
having separated from him a short distance. When he saw 
he was likely to be taken he drew a pistol and was making 
ready to defend himself when La Breten told the black 



APPENDIX 273 

man to fire, which was promptly obeyed and the Indian 
fell, but in a moment rose, not being hurt, and discharged 
one pistol at the colored man and missed him, and then with 
another closed in with La Breten and at the same time dis- 
charged the contents into his hand so as to pass up the arm 
and destroy the elbow joint. With the other hand he got 
the Indian down and the colored man forced the britch of 
his rifle through the skull. At this the other Indians com- 
menced firing with their guns and arrows as they went off. 
The people flew to their houses for their arms at the same 
time and returned the fire with some effect. La Breten 
was taken to Vancouver, but in such a state that amputation 
was not attempted and he died; as also did Mr. Rogers, 
who was wounded as was supposed but slightly with an 
arrow, but whose case becoming alarming also went to 
Vancouver, and died with the arrow point still in his arm, 
as was demonstrated after death. 

So early an eruption is greatly to be deplored, inasmuch 
as the white settlements are now so considerable, and yet 
illy prepared for self-defense. It is the more to be feared, 
lest the Hains and Molalas, who are so alike in their daring 
habits, should form an alliance, which by their influence 
might result in a general concert among the Indians. 

I am now in a most cramped state, as I am lame my- 
self and labor is most difficult to be obtained, for the 
wages on the Willamette are from one dollar to a dollar and 
half per day for common labor. My nephew bids fair to 
be of great service, as it is most important to have some one 
on whom I can rely when called from home and also at 
other times. Mr. Littlejohn and family are here, but his 
health is such that he cannot be relied upon for work. 

During the winter Mrs. L taught school one quarter for 

our children and those that wintered near us. We main- 
tained English worship also on the Sabbath, and at least 
once a week all winter, a practice we always keep up even 
if we have only our own family. 

A mill is most important to us here, but I do not see 
how I can accomplish it as the labor of mechanics must be 
paid at the rate of three dollars per day to begin with, 
starting from the Willamette and continuing until they re- 
turn again. 

I think this valley will be among the first to be settled 
by Americans. It is a most difficult point to manage such 



274 MARCUS WHITMAN 

a people preparatory to settlers, for if we tell them what is 
very much needed to induce them to proper care and in- 
dustry it will be perverted and result in nothing good for 
them. 

The wants of an emigration must be supplied at this 
point. It was my desire to aid the Indians to cultivate 
largely for that purpose, but as they are unwilling to pay 
for lands to be broken for them it cannot be facilitated. 
The result in my opinion will be to hasten a settlement 
somewhere in this vicinity for that object. 

I have exceeded the limits first proposed, as a later 
opportunity to send and overtake the first express has 
offered. 

With much esteem, I am yours truly, 

(Signed) Marcus Whitman. 



DR. WHITMANS LETTER TO THE HON. JAMES M. 
PORTER, SECRETARY OF WAR, WITH A BILL TO 
BE LAID BEFORE CONGRESS, FOR THE ORGANIZA- 
TION OF OREGON 

The Rev. Myron Eells obtained from the original files in 
the office of the Secretary of War two valuable papers. 
They bear this indorsement: 

" Marcus Whitman, inclosing synopsis of a bill, with his 
views in reference to importance of the Oregon Territory, 
War. 382 — rec. June 22, 1844." 

To the Hon. James M. Porter, 
Secretary of War. 
Sir: In compliance with the request you did me the 
honor to make last winter, while in Washington, I herewith 
transmit to you the synopsis of a bill which, if it could be 
adopted, would, according to my experience and observa- 
tion, prove highly conducive to the best interests of the 
United States generally, to Oregon, where I have resided 
for more than seven years as a missionary, and to the Indian 
tribes that inhabit the immediate country. The Govern- 
ment will now doubtless for the first time be apprised 



APPENDIX 275 

through you, or by means of this communication, of the 
immense immigration of families to Oregon which has taken 
place this year. I have, since our interview, been instru- 
mental in piloting across the route described in the accom- 
panying bill, and which is the only eligible wagon road, no 
less than three hundred families, consisting of one thousand 
persons of both sexes, with their wagons, amounting to one 
hundred and twenty, six hundred and ninety-four oxen, 
and seven hundred and seventy-three loose cattle. 

The emigrants are from different States, but principally 
from Missouri, Arkansas, Illinois and New York. The 
majority of them are farmers, lured by the prospect of 
bounty in lands, by the reported fertility of the soil, and 
by the desire to be first among those who are planting our 
institutions on the Pacific Coast. Among them are artisans 
of every trade, comprising, with farmers, the very best ma- 
terial for a new colony. As pioneers, these people have 
undergone incredible hardships, and having now safely 
passed the Blue Mountain Range with their wagons and 
effects, have established a durable road from Missouri to 
Oregon, which will serve to mark permanently the route 
for larger numbers, each succeeding year, while they have 
practically demonstrated that wagons drawn by horses or 
oxen can cross the Rocky Mountains to the Columbia River, 
contrary to all the sinister assertions of all those who pre- 
tended it to be impossible. 

In their slow progress, these persons have encountered, 

as in all former instances, and as all succeeding emigrants 

must; if this or some similar bill be not passed by Congress, 

the continual fear of Indian aggression, the actual loss 

through them of horses, cattle and other property, and the 

great labor of transporting an adequate amount of provision 

for so long a journey. The bill herewith proposed would, 

in a great measure, lessen these inconveniences by the 

establishment of posts, which, while having the possessed 

power to keep the Indians in check, thus doing away with 

the necessity of military vigilance on the part of the traveler 

by day and night, would be able to furnish them in transit 

with fresh supplies of provisions, diminishing the original 

burdens of the emigrants, and finding thus a ready and 

profitable market for their produce — a market that would, 

in my opinion, more than suffice to defray all the current 

expenses of such posts. The present party is supposed to 
18 



276 MARCUS WHITMAN 

have expended no less than $2000 at Laramie's and Bridger's 
Forts, and as much more at Fort Hall and Fort Boise\ two 
of the Hudson Bay Company's stations. These are at pre- 
sent the only stopping-places in a journey of 2200 miles, and 
the only place where additional supplies can be obtained, 
even at the enormous rate of charge called mountain prices, 
i. e., $50 the hundred for flour, and $50 the hundred for 
coffee; the same for sugar, powder, etc. 

Many cases of sickness and some deaths took place 
among those who accomplished the journey this season, 
owing in a great measure to the uninterrupted use of meat, 
salt and fresh, with flour, which constituted the chief 
articles of food they are able to convey on their wagons, 
and this could be obviated by the vegetable productions 
which the posts in contemplation could very profitably 
afford them. Those who rely on hunting as an auxiliary 
support, are at present unable to have their arms repaired 
when out of order; horses and oxen become tender- footed 
and require to be shod on this long journey, sometimes re- 
peatedly, and the wagons repaired in a variety of ways. I 
mention these as valuable incidents to the proposed measure, 
as it will also be found to tend in many other incidental 
ways to benefit the migratory population of the United 
States choosing to take this direction, and on these ac- 
counts, as well as for the immediate use of the posts them- 
selves, they ought to be provided with the necessary shops 
and mechanics, which would at the same time exhibit the 
several branches of civilized art to the Indians. 

The outlay in the first instance would be but trifling. 
Forts like those of the Hudson Bay Company's surrounded 
by walls enclosing all the buildings, and constructed al- 
most entirely of adobe, or sun-dried bricks, with stone 
foundations only, can be easily and cheaply erected. 

There are very eligible places for as many of these as the 
Government will find necessary, at suitable distances, not 
further than one or two hundred miles apart, at the main 
crossing of the principal streams that now form impedi- 
ments to the journey, and consequently well supplied with 
water, having alluvial bottom-lands of a rich quality, and 
generally well wooded. If I might be allowed to suggest 
the best sites for said posts, my personal knowledge and 
observation enable me to recommend first, the main cross- 
ing of the Kansas River, where a ferry would be very con- 



APPENDIX 277 

venient to the traveler, and profitable to the station having 
it in charge; next, and about eighty miles distant, the 
crossing of Blue River, where in times of unusual freshet, 
a ferry would be in like manner useful; next, and distant 
from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles from the 
last mentioned, the Little Blue, or Republican Fork of the 
Kansas; next, and from sixty to one hundred miles distant 
from the last mentioned, the point of intersection of the 
Platte River; next, and from one hundred to one hundred 
and fifty miles distant from the last mentioned, crossing 
the South Fork of the Platte River; next, and about one 
hundred and eighty or two hundred miles distant from the 
last mentioned, Horseshoe Creek, which is about forty 
miles west of Laramie's Fork in the Black Hills. Here is 
a fine Creek for mills and irrigation, good land for cultiva- 
tion, fine pasturage, timber and stone for building. Other 
locations may be had along the Platte and Sweetwater, 
on the Green River, or Black Forks of the Bear River, 
near the great Soda Springs, near Fort Hall, and at suitable 
places down the Columbia. These localities are all of the 
best description, so situated as to hold a ready intercourse 
with the Indians in their passages to and from the ordinary 
buffalo hunting grounds, and in themselves so well situated 
in all other respects as to be desirable to private enterprise 
if the usual advantage of trade existed. Any of the farms 
above indicated would be deemed extremely valuable in 
the States. 

The Government cannot long overlook the importance 
of superintending the savages that endanger this line of 
travel, and that are not yet in treaty with it. Some of these 
are already well known to be led by desperate white men 
and mongrels, who form bandits in the most difficult passes, 
and are at all times ready to cut off some lagging emigrant 
in the rear of the party, or some adventurous one who may 
proceed a few miles in advance, or at night to make a de- 
scent upon the sleeping camp and carry away or kill horses 
and cattle. This is the case even now in the commence- 
ment of our western immigration, and when it comes to be 
more generally known that large quantities of valuable 
property and considerable sums of money are yearly carried 
over this desolate region, it is feared that an organized 
banditti will be instituted. The posts in contemplation 
would effectually counteract this. For the purpose they 



278 MARCUS WHITMAN 

need not, or ought not, to be military establishments. The 
trading posts in this country have never been of such a 
character, and yet with very few men in them, have for 
years kept the surrounding Indians in the most pacific dis- 
position, so that the traveler feels secure from molestation 
upon approaching Fort Laramie, Bridger's Fort, Fort Hall, 
etc., etc. The same can be obtained without any consider- 
able expenditure by the Government, while by investing 
the officers in charge with competent authority, all evil-dis- 
posed white men, refugees from justice, or discharged vaga- 
bonds from trading posts might be easily removed from 
among the Indians and sent to the appropriate States for 
trial. The Hudson's Bay Company's system of rewards 
among the savages would soon enable the posts to root out 
these desperadoes. A direct and friendly intercourse with 
all the tribes, even to the Pacific, might be thus maintained; 
the Government would become more intimately acquainted 
with them, and they with the Government, and instead of 
sending to the State courts a manifestly guilty Indian to be 
arraigned before a distant tribunal and acquitted for the 
want of testimony, by the technicalities of lawyers and of 
the law unknown to them, and sent back into the wilderness 
loaded with presents, as an inducement to further crime, 
the post should be enabled to execute summary justice, as 
if the criminal had been already condemned by his tribe, 
because the tribe will be sure to deliver up none but the 
party whom they know to be guilty. They will in that way 
receive the trial of their peers, and secure within them- 
selves to all intents and purposes, if not technically the trial 
by jury, yet the spirit of that trial. There are many powers 
which ought to reside in some person on this extended 
route for the convenience and even necessity of the public. 
In this the emigrant and the people of Oregon are no 
more interested than the resident inhabitant of the States. 
At present no person is authorized to administer an oath, 
or legally attest a fact, from the western line of Missouri to 
the Pacific. The immigrant cannot dispose of his property 
at home, although an opportunity ever so advantageous to 
him should occur after he passes the western border of 
Missouri. No one can here make a legal demand and pro- 
test of a promissory note or bill of exchange. No one can 
secure the valuable testimony of a mountaineer, or an im- 
migrating witness after he has entered this, at present, law- 



APPENDIX 279 

less country. Causes do exist and will continually arise, in 
which the private rights of citizens are, and will be, seri- 
ously prejudiced by such an utter absence of legal authority. 
A contraband trade from Mexico, the introduction from 
that country of liquors to be sold among the Indians west 
of the Kansas River, is already carried on with the mountain 
trappers, and very soon the teas, silks, nankeen, spices, 
camphor, and opium of the East Indies will find their way, 
duty free, through Oregon, across the mountains and into 
the States, unless Custom House officers along this line find 
an interest in intercepting them. 

Your familiarity with the Government policy, duties and 
interest render it unnecessary for me to more than hint at 
the several objects intended by the enclosed bill, and any 
enlargement upon the topics here suggested as inducements 
to its adoption would be quite superfluous, if not imperti- 
nent. The very existence of such a system as the one 
above recommended suggests the utility of post-offices and 
mail arrangements, which it is the wish of all who now live 
in Oregon to have granted them; and I need only add that 
contracts for this purpose will be readily taken at reasonable 
rates for transporting the mail across from Missouri to the 
mouth of the Columbia in forty days, with fresh horses at 
each of the contemplated posts. The ruling policy pro- 
posed regards the Indians as the police of the country, who 
are to be relied upon to keep the peace, not only for them- 
selves, but to repel lawless white men and prevent banditti, 
under the solitary guidance of the superintendents of the 
several posts, aided by a well directed system to induce the 
punishment of crime. It will only be after the failure of 
these means to procure the delivery or punishment of vio- 
lent, lawless and savage acts of aggression, that a band or 
tribe should be regarded as conspirators against the peace, 
or punished accordingly by force of arms. 

Hoping that these suggestions may meet your approba- 
tion, and conduce to the future interest of our growing 
country, I have the honor to be, Honorable Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

Marcus Whitman. 



2 8o MARCUS WHITMAN 

COPY OF PROPOSED BILL PREPARED BY DR. MARCUS 
WHITMAN IN 1843 AND SENT TO THE SECRE- 
TARY OF WAR 

A bill to promote safe intercourse with the Territory of 
Oregon, to suppress violent acts of aggression on the part 
of certain Indian tribes west of the Indian Territory, 
Neocho, better protect the revenue, for the transportation 
of the mail and for other purposes. 

Synopsis of the Act 

Section i. To be enacted by the Senate and House of 
Representatives of the United States of America, in Con- 
gress assembled, that from and after the passage of this act, 
there shall be established at suitable distances, and in con- 
venient and proper places, to be selected by the President, 
a chain of agricultural posts or farming stations, extending 
at intervals from the present and most usual crossing of 
the Kansas River, west of the western boundary of the 
state of Missouri, thence ascending the Platte River on the 
southern border, thence through the valley of the Sweet- 
water to Fort Hall, and thence to settlements of the Willa- 
mette in the Territory of Oregon. Which said posts will 
have for their object to set examples of civilized industry 
to the several Indian tribes, to keep them in proper sub- 
jection to the laws of the United States, to suppress vio- 
lent and lawless acts along the said line of the frontier, to 
facilitate the passage of troops and munitions of war into 
and out of the said Territory of Oregon, and the transpor- 
tation of the mail as hereinafter provided. 

Section 2. And be it further enacted, that there shall 
reside at each of said posts, one superintendent having 
charge thereof, with full power to carry into effect the pro- 
visions of this act, subject always to such instructions as 
the President may impose; one deputy superintendent to 
act in like manner in case of death, removal or absence of 
the superintendent, and such artificers and laborers, not 
exceeding twenty in number, as the said superintendent 
may deem necessary for the conduct and safety of said 
posts, all of whom shall be subject to disappointment and 
liable to removal. 



APPENDIX 281 

Section 3. And be it further enacted, that it shall be 
the duty of the President to cause to be erected, at each of 
the said posts, buildings suitable for the purpose herein 
contemplated: to wit, one main dwelling house, one store- 
house, one blacksmith's and one gunsmith's shop, one 
carpenter shop, with such and so many other buildings for 
storing the products and supplies of said posts as he from 
time to time may deem expedient. To supply the same 
with all necessary mechanical and agricultural implements, 
to perform the labor incident thereto, and with all other 
articles he may judge requisite and proper for the safety, 
comfort and defense thereof. 

To cause said posts in his discretion to be visited by de- 
tachments of the troops stationed on the western frontier, 
to suppress through said posts the sale of munitions of war 
to the Indian tribes in case of hostilities, and annually to 
lay before Congress, at its general session, full returns, 
verified by the oaths of the several superintendents, of the 
several acts by them performed and of the condition of said 
posts, with the income and expenditures growing out of the 
same respectively. 

Section 4. And be it further enacted, that the said 
superintendents shall be appointed by the President by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate for the term of 
four years, with a salary of two hundred dollars payable 
out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appropri- 
ated; that they shall respectively take an oath before the 
District Judge of the United States for the Western District 
of Missouri, faithfully to discharge the duties imposed on 
them in and by the provisions of this act, and give a bond 
to the President of the United States and to his successors 
in office and assigns, and with sufficient security to be ap- 
proved by the said judge in at least the penalty of twenty- 
five thousand dollars, to indemnify the President or his 
successors or assigns for any unlawful acts by them per- 
formed, or injuries committed by virtue of their offices, 
which said bonds may at any time be assigned for prosecu- 
tion against the said respective superintendents and their 
sureties upon an application to the said judge at the in- 
stance of the United States District Attorney or of any 
private party aggrieved. 

Section 5. And be it further enacted, that it shall be the 
duty of said superintendents to cause the soil adjacent to 



282 MARCUS WHITMAN 

said posts, in extent not exceeding 640 acres, to be culti- 
vated in a farmer-like manner and to produce such articles 
of culture as in their judgment shall be deemed the most 
profitable and available for the maintenance of said posts, 
for the supply of troops and other Government agents which 
may from time to time resort thereto, and to render the 
products aforesaid adequate to defraying all the expenses 
of labor in and about said posts, and the salary of the said 
deputy superintendent, without resort to the Treasury of 
the United States, remitting to the Secretary of the Treasury 
yearly a sworn statement of the same, with the surplus 
moneys, if any, there shall be. 

Section 6. And be it further enacted, that the said 
several superintendents of posts shall, ex officio, be super- 
intendents of Indian affairs west of the Indian Territory, 
Neocho, subordinate to and under the full control of the 
Commissioner-General of Indian Affairs at Washington. 
That they shall, by virtue of their offices, be conservators of 
the peace, with full powers to the extent hereinafter pre- 
scribed, in all cases of crimes and misdemeanors, whether 
committed by citizens of the United States or by Indians 
within the frontier line aforesaid. That they shall have power 
to administer oaths, to be valid in the several courts of the 
United States, to perpetuate testimony to be used in said 
courts, to take acknowledgments of deeds and other special- 
ties in writing, to take probate wills and testaments exe- 
cuted upon the said frontier, of which the testators shall 
have died in transit between the State of Missouri and the 
Territory of Oregon, and to do and certify all notarial acts, 
and to perform the ceremony of marriage, with as legal 
effects as if the said several acts above enumerated had 
been performed by the magistrates of any of the States 
having power to perform the service. That they shall have 
power to arrest and remove from the line aforesaid all dis- 
orderly white persons, and all persons exciting the Indians 
to hostilities, and to surrender up all fugitives from justice 
upon the requisition of the Governor of any of the States; 
that they shall have power to demand of the several tribes 
within the said frontier line, the surrender of any Indian 
or Indians committing acts in contradiction of the laws of 
the United States, and in case of such surrender, to inflict 
punishment thereon, according to the tenor and effect of 
said laws, without further trial, presuming such offending 



APPENDIX 283 

Indian or Indians to have received the trial and condemna- 
tion of the tribe to which he or they may belong; to inter- 
cept and seize all articles of contraband trade, whether 
introduced into their jurisdiction in violation of the acts 
imposing duties on imports, or of the acts to regulate trade 
and intercourse with the several Indian tribes, to transmit 
the same to the marshal of the Western District of Missouri, 
together with the proofs necessary for the confiscation 
thereof, and in every such case the superintendent shall be 
entitled to receive one half the sale value of the said con- 
fiscated articles, and the other half be disposed of as in like 
cases arising under the existing revenue laws. 

Section 7. And be it further enacted, that the several 
superintendents shall have and keep at their several posts, 
seals of office for the legal authentication of their public 
acts herein enumerated, and that the said seals shall have 
as a device the spread-eagle, with the words, " U. S. 
Superintendency of the Frontier," engraved thereon. 

Section 8. And be it further enacted, that the said 
Superintendents shall be entitled in addition to the salary 
hereinbefore granted, to the following perquisites and fees 
of office, to wit: For the acknowledgment of all deeds and 
specialties, the sum of one dollar; for the administration of 
all oaths, twenty-five cents; for the authentication of all 
copies of written instruments, one dollar; for the perpetua- 
tion of all testimony to be used in the United States courts, 
by the folio, fifty cents; for all other writing done, by the 
folio, fifty cents; for the solemnizing marriages, two dollars, 
including the certificate to be given to the parties; for the 
surrender of fugitives from justice, in addition to the neces- 
sary costs and expenses of arrest and detention, which shall 
be verified to the demanding Governor by the affidavit of 
the Superintendent, ten dollars. 

Section 9. And be it further enacted, that the said 
Superintendents shall by virtue of their offices, be post- 
masters at the several stations for which they were ap- 
pointed, and as such, shall be required to facilitate the 
transportation of mail to and from the Territory of Oregon 
and the nearest post-offices within the State of Missouri, 
subject to all regulations of the Post-office Department, and 
with all the immunities and privileges of the postmasters in 
the several States, except that no additional compensation 
shall be allowed for such services; and it is hereby made 



284 MARCUS WHITMAN 

the duty of the Postmaster General to cause proposals to be 
issued for the transportation of the mail along the line of 
said Posts to and from said Territory within six months 
after the passage of this Act. 

Section io. And be it further enacted, that the sum 

of thousand dollars be and the same is hereby 

appropriated out of any moneys in the Treasury not other- 
wise appropriated, for the purpose of carrying into effect 
the several provisions of this Act. 



DR. WHITMAN S LAST LETTER TO SECRETARY 
GREENE OF THE AMERICAN BOARD 



Waiilatpu, October 18, 1847. 

Rev. David Greene, 

Secretary of the A. B. C. F. M. 
My Dear Sir: 

As Mr. Thomas Glenday of St. Charles, Missouri, is to 
leave here this morning for his return to the States, I can- 
not deny myself the privilege of writing. I have now been 
at home two Sabbaths only since my return from completing 
the wagon road from the Utilla to the Dalles. As my two 
wagons returned from the Dalles with loads I found it 
necessary to look out a new road to avoid the hills along 
the shore of the Columbia and the crossing of John Days 
River. I took my wagons back from the Columbia, cross- 
ing John Day's River higher up. By following a small 
stream and then a dry ravine I was enabled to avoid most 
of the hills and heavy obstacles to the old wagon road for 
the lower half of the way. After I came home I went a 
second time which took me near two weeks and completed 
the route from the Utilla to the place where I struck the 
old road before. Now the road does not strike the Colum- 
bia at all when it is designed to cross the Cascade Moun- 
tains by Bastow's road. This road takes them a much 
shorter and better route, by which means they avoid many 
bad hills as well as all the sands of the Columbia and, what 
is still more desirable, they have grass in abundance at all 
camps, the whole being a grass country. Wood is also 



APPENDIX 285 

plenty with one or two exceptions. It passes also that the 
immigrants will avoid the Indians mostly who have given 
so much trouble along the shore of the Columbia. As I 
came up with my wagons I visited the Indians along the 
shore of the Columbia and took back property as I could 
find it that had been stolen. In fact in most cases they 
were in advance of me, as they knew I was coming, and 
would be waiting on the south side with the stolen goods 
ready to return them. Their lodges were on the north 
side at the time. I then thought no further acts of the 
sort you will see recorded in my communication to Con- 
gress, which I have sent in your care, would have been re- 
ported. I am assuring the Indians that, unless they either 
bestir themselves and take back the horses, cattle, and 
property stolen, and also take other horses from the thieves 
to pay for loss and insult, that the Americans will visit them 
next year before the immigrants come, not to make war 
upon them, but to obtain pay and satisfaction for their 
losses, and that most likely when they come, they will take 
horses to pay themselves for the trouble of coming to get 
their pay. And that in case they do come the innocent can 
only escape by pointing out the guilty. I will not report 
what Mr. Rodgers has written about the Papists further 
than that all are Jesuits who are to labor among the 
Indians. 

A bishop is set over this part of the work, whose seat as the 
name indicates will be at Walla Walla. He, I understand, 
is styled Bishop of Walla Walla. It will be well for you to 
know that from what we can learn, their object will be to 
colonize around them. I cannot blame myself that the 
plan I laid down when I was in Boston was not carried out. 
If we could have had good families, say two and three to- 
gether, to have placed in select spots among the Indians, 
the present crisis which I feared would not have come. 
Two things, and it is true those which were the most im- 
portant, were accomplished by my return to the states. 
By means of the establishment of the wagon road, which is 
due to that effort alone, the immigration was secured and 
saved from disaster in the fall of forty-three. Upon that 
event the present acquired rights of the U. States by her 
citizens hung. And not less certain is it that upon the re- 
sult of immigration to this country the present existence of 
this mission and of Protestantism in general hung also. 



286 MARCUS WHITMAN 

It is a matter of surprise to me that so few pious men are 
ready to associate together and come to this country when 
they could be so useful in setting up and maintaining re- 
ligious society and establishing the means of education. It 
is indeed so that some of the good people of the East can 
come to Oregon for the double purpose of availing them- 
selves of the Government bounty of land and of doing good 
to the country. Or do I lose my object in writing to you 
so often upon the subject ? Is it a matter of regret to you 
and to the Pastors of morality to lose a few of the best min- 
isters of society and church and business men that they may 
benefit both themselves and the cause of religion, education, 
and their country ? It is not too late yet I hope. But I 
am sure if anything is done as it should be, that the people 
should come next year. The interior of Oregon is unrivaled 
by any country for grazing of stock, of which sheep are the 
best. This interior will now be sought after and I fear we 
are to have the half-breed and French population from the 
Willamette, as they show a disposition to sell out there 
and come here. It cannot be that we let them have the 
ascendency here. If we do you may well see what will be 
the consequence. My plan is for you to confer with the 
pastors and individuals in some way and lay the matter open 
before them. Let them be either a selection of men for the 
work or volunteers. Let them be of the best of pastors and 
church members, for it is a work that needs good men. 
Why will not the best men do good and benefit themselves 
as readily as worldly minded men ? Why will pastors regret 
to select their best and wealthiest men to do good by their 
persons and their property and influence ? Can a mind be 
found so narrow as not to be willing to part with a pastor, 
or a pastor not to part with a church member, simply be- 
cause they are good men and useful where they are ? I 
fear this is the feeling. And I remember a conversation I 
had with you which clearly showed that you knew that 
spirit prevailed to a considerable extent. I do believe 
ministers can be found who will lead out either good men 
for general distribution in the colony, as the wants of the 
colony shall be seen by them, or who will come out with 
those who will locate so as to make a religious society. 
One or more ought to be with the intent to found a College. 
I know of no place so eligible as at the Dalles close by our 
station. There a salubrious climate and near proximity to 



APPENDIX 287 

market and the main settlement will be secured. A good 
school there would not want for support even now. And 
this might be the embryo for the intended College. Men 
and means might at once be found either united or separate, 
as the case shall demand. If this subject be laid before 
the several societies who meet next May in the several cities 
of the East, I do not believe that either the men or the 
means will be wanting at once. Persons might be found 
there, I have no doubt, who would either come themselves 
or who would go home and interest themselves that others 
should come. Those who intend to come should start so 
early next fall that they may be in time for putting in a 
crop if possible in the spring — '49. Should a part prefer to 
come by land they may start with pack horses as late as July 
or even August, when there will be far less annoyance on 
the road than earlier. They will avoid all mud, rains and 
high water. Most of the heat will be passed and by not 
being confined to the wagon road they will escape the dust. 
Pack horses also can find grass aside from when the wagons 
can feed. It is never too late to pass down the Columbia 
to the lower country. Besides there can be no want of pro- 
visions at the Dalles as long as there are any in the Willa- 
mette. So that they can winter there if they like. I prefer 
to call on you for the presentation of these matters to the 
Christian public in any way you prefer. If you do not do 
it in your own name please look out the man who will act 
and whose name will appear before the public, not forget- 
ting the calls upon the Home Mission Society, Tract So- 
ciety, etc. Mr. Glenday will be a good man to write to for 
any information about packing across the mountains. I 
hope the want of a man for Dalles station will not escape 
your notice. 

With esteem, Yours truly, 

(Signed) Marcus Whitman. 

7 

MEMORIAL FROM DR. WHITMAN TO THE SECRETARY 

OF WAR, PREPARED SIX WEEKS BEFORE HIS DEATH 

To the Honorable the Secretary of War. 

To the Committees on Indian Affairs and Oregon in the 
Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
the following suggestions are respectfully submitted : 



288 MARCUS WHITMAN 

First. That all stations of the United States for troops be 
kept upon the border of some State or Territory, when de- 
signed for the protection and regulation of the Indian 
Territory. 

Second. That a line of posts be established along the 
traveled route to Oregon at a distance, so far as practicable, 
of not more than fifty miles. That these posts be so located 
as to afford the best opportunity for agriculture and grazing, 
to facilitate the production of provisions and the care of 
horses and cattle for the use and support of said posts, and 
to furnish supplies to all passers through the Indian Terri- 
tory, especially to mail carriers and troops. 

These posts should be placed wherever a bridge or ferry 
would be required to facilitate the transport of the mail, 
and travel of troops or immigrants through the country. 
In all fertile places these posts would support themselves 
and give facilities for the several objects just named in 
transit. The other posts situated where the soil would not 
admit of cultivation, would still be useful, as they would 
afford the means of taking care and other facilities for 
transporting the mail. 

These posts could be supplied with provisions from others 
in the vicinity. A few large posts in the more fertile regions 
could supply those more in the mountains. On the other 
hand military posts can only be well supplied when near the 
settlement. In this way all transports for the supply of 
the interior military posts would be superseded. The 
number of men at these posts might vary from five to 
twenty-five. 

In the interior they might be built with adobies (that is, 
large unburnt bricks), and in form and size should much 
resemble the common Indian trading post with outer walls 
and bastions. They would thus afford the same protection, 
in any part of the Territory, as the common trading post. 
If provided with a small amount of goods to trade supplies 
from the Indians and to reward the chiefs for punishing 
those who disturb or offend against the peace of the Terri- 
tory, the Indians would become the protectors of these 
stations. At the same time, by being under one general 
superintendent under the Government, the Indians may be 
concentrated under one general influence. 

By such a superintendence the Indians will be prevented 
from fleeing from one place to another to secrete themselves 



APPENDIX 289 

from justice. By this simple arrangement all the need of 
troops in the interior will be obviated, until in some in- 
stance the Indians fail to co-operate with the superintendent 
of the post or posts for the promotion of peace. 

When troops shall be called for to visit the interior, the 
farming posts will be able to furnish them with supplies in 
passing so as to make their movements speedy and efficient. 
A code of laws for the Indian Territory might constitute 
the principal or second in charge at these posts, civil magis- 
trates. The same arrangements would be equally well 
adapted to the respective routes to California and New 
Mexico. 

Many reasons may be urged for the establishment of 
these posts among which are the following: 

1. By means of such posts all acts of the Indians will be 
under a full and complete inspection. All cases of murder, 
theft, or other outrage would be brought to light and the 
proper punishment inflicted. 

2. In most cases this may be done by giving the chiefs a 
small fee, that they may either punish the offenders them- 
selves, or deliver them up to the commander of the posts. 
In such cases it should be held that their peers have ad- 
judged them guilty. 

3. By means of these posts it will become safe and easy 
for the smallest number to pass and repass from Oregon to 
the States. And with a civil magistrate in charge, all idle, 
wandering whitejnen, without passports, can be sent out of 
the Territory. 

4. In this way all banditti for robbing the mail or travel- 
ers will be prevented as well as all vagabonds removed 
from among the Indians. 

5. Immigrants now lose horses and other stock by the 
Indians, commencing from the border of the States to the 
Wallamette. It is much to the praise of our countrymen 
that they bear so long with the Indians when our Govern- 
ment has done so little to enable them to pass in safety. 

For one man to lose five or six horses is not a rare occur- 
rence, which loss is felt heavily when most of the family 
are compelled to walk on foot to favor a reduced and failing 
team. 

6. The Indians along the line take courage from the for- 
bearance of the immigrants. The timid Indians on the 
Columbia have this year in open day attacked several parties 

19 



2 9 o MARCUS WHITMAN 

of wagons from two to seven, and robbed them, being armed 
with guns, bows and arrows, knives and axes. Mr. Glenday 
from St. Charles, Mo., the bearer of this communication to 
the States, with Mr. Bear, his companion, rescued seven 
wagons from being plundered and the people from gross 
insult, rescuing one woman when the Indians were in the 
act of taking all the clothes from her person. The men 
were mostly stripped of their shirts and pantaloons at the 
time. 

7. The occasional supplies to passing immigrants as well 
as the aid which may be afforded to the sick and needy are 
not the least of the important results to follow from these 
establishments. A profitable exchange to the posts and 
immigrants, as also to other passers through the country, can 
be made by exchanging worn-out horses and cattle for fresh 
ones. 

8. It scarcely need be mentioned what advantage the 
Government will derive from a similar exchange, for the 
transport of the mail as also for the use of troops in passing. 

9. To suppress the use of ardent spirits among the In 
dians it will be requisite to regard the giving or furnishing 
of it in any manner as a breach of the laws and peace of 
the Territory. All superintendents of posts, traders and 
responsible persons should be charged on oath that they 
will not sell, give, or furnish in any manner, ardent spirits 
to the Indians. 

10. Traders should be regarded, by reason of the license 
they have to trade in the Territory, as receiving a privilege, 
and therefore should be required to give and maintain good 
credentials of character. For this reason they may be re- 
quired to send in the testimony of their clerks and assistants 
of all ranks to show under the solemnity of an oath that the 
laws have not been violated or evaded. If at any time it 
became apparent to the superintendent of any post that the 
laws were violated, he might be required to make full 
inquiry of all in any way connected with, or assisting in 
the trade, to ascertain whether the laws were broken or 
evaded. 

11. For illicit traders and smugglers it will suffice to in- 
struct the commanders of posts to offer a reward to the In- 
dians for the safe delivery of any and all such persons as 
bring liquors among them, together with the liquors thus 
brought. 



APPENDIX 291 

12. It is only on the borders of the respective States and 
Territories that any interruption will be found in the operation 
of these principles. Here also a modification of the same 
principle enacted by the several States and Territories along 
the Indian borders might produce equally happy results. 

13. The mail may, with a change of horses at every fifty 
miles, be carried at the rate of from one hundred to one 
hundred and fifty miles in twenty-four hours. 

14. The leading reason in favor of the aforesaid regula- 
tions should be that by these means the Indians become our 
faithful allies. In fact they will be the best possible police 
for such a Territory. This police can be safely relied upon 
when under a good supervision. Troops will only be re- 
quired to correct their faults in cases of extreme misconduct. 

15. In closing I would remark that I have conversed with 
many of the principal Fur Traders of the American and 
Hudson Bay Companies, all of whom agree that the several 
regulations suggested in this communication would accom- 
plish the objects proposed, were suitable men appointed for 
its management and execution. 

Respectfully yours, 
(Signed) Marcus Whitman. 

Waiilatpu, October 16, 1847. 

Rev. David Greene, 

Secretary of A. B. C. F. M. 
My Dear Sir: 

Please send copies of the above to such members of Con- 
gress and other influential men as you think will favor the 
object proposed. Yours truly, 

(Signed) Marcus Whitman. 



LETTER FROM REV. CUSHING EELLS 

Tshimakain, near Fort Colvile, 

Oregon Mission, December 10, 1847. 
Rev. David Greene, 

Secretary A. B. C. F. M. 
Dear Sir: 

Last eve most painful intelligence reached us, and which 
I cannot better communicate than in the same form in which 
it came to us. 



2 9 a MARCUS WHITMAN 

Fort Walla Walla, December 2, 1847. 

Messrs. Walker and Eells. 
My dear Gentlemen : 

Through the interposition of a kind providence I have been permitted 
to arrive here in safety, and you will with me think that God has been 
merciful in sparing my life. 

It is my melancholy duty to inform you of one of the most tragic 
massacres on record in Oregon. 

The following are the persons killed : Mr. and Mrs. Whitman, Mr. 
Rodgers, Hoffman, Sanders (schoolmaster), Mr. March, John and Fran- 
cis Sager, two youth, brothers, Canfield, the blacksmith. Two families 
at the mill supposed to be killed, one of them known to be. This was 
committed on the 29th of last month by the Kayuse Indians. Some 
attribute the cause to the poisoning of the Indians, although there are 
many rumors ; and as I have been here only one half hour, and hearing 
so much, and having so little time, and from the excitement of running 
the gauntlet for two days myself, I am perfectly unnerved and be- 
wildered. Solomon had been faithful to the last, may God bless him ! 
I am informed that a party of Indians started to Mr. Spalding's to com- 
plete their horrid butchery, also to the Dalls. 

Mr. McBean has sent an express to Vancouver, requesting them to 
send up boats for such as may escape. I send your horse and mule 
back, and am too much excited even to thank you. You shall hear 
from me again. Give my love to your families. May God bless them 
is the sincere prayer. Yours most truly, 

(Signed) J. M. Stanley. 

Mr. Stanley is an eminent artist, a portrait painter. 
His chief business, in traveling in this country, is to obtain 
the portraits of Indians. He first came to this place on the 
24th of October last, and was the bearer of your favor of 
the 13th of November, 1846. I can here only say that the 
kind and instructive sentiments and sympathy therein ex- 
pressed, sensibly affected me. Mr. Stanley remained here 
three or four days and then left for Colvile. On the 9th of 
November he returned. Excepting a few days in which he 
suffered from ill health, he was occupied in professional 
labors till the 23d ult. when he started for Waiilatpu, ac- 
companied by one of our most faithful Indians to whom we 
early gave the name Solomon. On the eve of the 30th they 
encamped about twenty miles from Waiilatpu. The next 
morning they proceeded till within about six miles of their 
destination, where they met an Indian woman and boy who 



APPENDIX 293 

informed of the singular deeds of treachery and blood 
which had been committed two days before at Waiilatpu. 
It was also added that Mr. Stanley would be immediately 
dispatched on arriving at the fatal spot. Providentially 
Solomon is one of the few among this people who under- 
stand a considerable part of the Nez Perces language. He 
inquired respecting Walla Walla and was told that all was 
quiet, and undisturbed there, that Americans only had been 
killed. From that point they turned toward the Fort, but 
were still upon a trail, and soon met another Indian with a 
gun in his belt. He confirmed the information already re- 
ceived, and then inquired whether or not Mr. Stanley were 
an American. Solomon in reply stated what was false lest 
the truth should endanger the life of his companion, said 
he kept his eye upon the gun, and had it been drawn 
from the belt he should have seized it at once. Soon after 
that they left the trail and kept back in the plain. That 
night they concealed themselves in the timber and thicket 
upon a creek and kindled no fire. The next day they pro- 
ceeded with caution, avoiding trails and places where it 
might be expected there would be passing and reached the 
Fort in safety. It was early in the day when they arrived 
there and as there was nothing for horses to eat immediately 
about the Fort, Solomon left on the afternoon of the same 
day, and returned on the road to Waiilatpu some ten or 
twelve miles to an encampment of one of the H. B. Co.'s 
servants who was guarding horses. The wife of the horse 
keeper was a distant connection of Solomon. He remained 
at the place two nights for the animals to rest and graze. 
Excepting what is contained in Mr. Stanley's hastily written 
letter, all the information we have respecting this painfully 
interesting subject has been obtained from Solomon. In- 
dian reports are often very incorrect. Almost all natives 
will exaggerate, and distort the truth, but I have confidence 
to believe that Solomon has endeavored to state to us pretty 
nearly as he received it from others. He says moreover 
that all the different individuals gave the same account. 
Or to give a more literal translation of his expression, " the 
speech of all went along in the same track." 

First. As to the number who were actively engaged in 
committing the murders. 

It was small. One chief, an old man, by name Tilankait, 
and those attached to him were the principal actors in the 



294 MARCUS WHITMAN 

bloody scenes. The greater part disapproved of the tragedy 
and perhaps of the purpose, if it was known. This appears 
in a measure probable from the fact that the woman and 
boy who first told of what had been done were Kayuses, 
and also that they took some pains to inform them that they 
might avoid danger. 

2. As to the time. 

It was early on Monday morning. The purpose was formed 
during Sabbath night, and the execution thereof commenced 
at the dawning of the day, and in a short time completed. 

3. The cause. 

This is hinted at in Mr. Stanley's letter. The Indian re- 
port is the following: A few days previous to the melan- 
choly event Mr. Spalding came to Waiilatpu. Late in the 
evening, he, Mr. Spalding, Dr. and Mrs. Whitman had 
some conversation respecting the Kayuse Indians. The 
Doctor proposed to poison and kill them all, and give their 
country to Americans. Mr. Spalding assented to the plan. 
In the same room was lying a half-caste boy, supposed to be 
asleep, but was not asleep, — heard what was said, and com- 
municated it to the Indians. Therefore they did as has 
been reported. Mr. Spalding had already left, and gone 
partly to carry medicine to a sick woman, the wife of a chief, 
by name Tauati, who was encamped upon a creek some 
twenty-five or thirty miles south of Waiilatpu. 

With reference to the above report, at present I will only 
say that I am confident no reasonable, candid person, who 
has had much acquaintance with the deceased Dr. Whit- 
man, will believe that in the full possession of his reason 
the Doctor ever cherished any such purpose as is pretended 
by the Indians. A spirit of benevolence, of kindness and 
compassion for the suffering, were prominent traits in his 
character. His labors during ten years for the benefit of 
the Kayuse Indians is strong proof against his wishing to 
injure them in the least. His zeal and perseverance to im- 
prove their social condition, and heal their sicknesses have 
been marked, also the success which has crowned his exer- 
tions. Should Mr. Spalding escape unharmed by the hands 
of violence, the whole truth respecting the reports as already 
given, also the real cause of the murders, will without doubt 
be clearly ascertained. I am of opinion that many things 
have conspired to bring to pass the fatal results. At pres- 
ent I forbear entering further into the subject. 



APPENDIX 295 

At this place we are in a state of painful suspense and of 
distressing anxiety. It is said Tilankait gave orders to 
spare the children. In the mission family were seven girls 
under the age of fourteen years. What is the condition 
also of the women and perhaps other children who are sup- 
posed to be alive at the place ? To human view it would be 
presumption for Mr. Walker or myself to attempt to afford 
them relief. I think it almost certain that no violence has 
been done to Mr. Spalding at the date of Mr. Stanley's 
letter, and so far as human calculations can determine it is 
most likely he will escape. 

My prevailing belief is that our friends at Clear Water, 
also at the Dalls, are unharmed, that the burst of passion 
spent itself at and about Waiilatpu. 

December nth. At this station this has been observed 
as a day of humiliation and prayer in view of the afflictive 
and admonitory dispensations of Divine Providence towards 
this mission. The early part of the day was spent each by 
himself to "mourn apart." A little before noon our two 
families met and spent an hour or more in social religious 
worship. Soon after that service closed we went, accord- 
ing to previous appointment, to the meeting-house and con- 
ducted worship with the natives. There was a general 
attendance and fixed attention. Mr. Walker and myself, 
each made such remarks as the occasion seemed to require, 
and offered prayer. An opportunity was given for some of 
the principal men to speak. Two spoke and with a good 
deal of propriety. 

Our people appear to sympathize with us — are sensible 
that they have met with a great loss. They speak kind 
words and endeavor to allay our fears respecting our per- 
sonal safety, signify a readiness to stand between us and 
those who would harm us and to afford us all protection in 
their power. There is no reason to doubt the sincerity of 
their professions, or their readiness to defend us for a short 
time, but they are too fickle to be trusted long. They are 
Indians, and will be likely to sympathize with all of their 
blood, murderers not excepted, should deserved punishment 
be inflicted upon them. 

December 13th. I know not when I shall be able to for- 
ward this communication. Till such time shall arrive, if 
Providence permit, I will endeavor to note any incidents 
which may occur relative to the main subject of the letter. 



296 MARCUS WHITMAN 

This morning we started a messenger to Colvile to carry 
the intelligence of our affliction and to ask for counsel. 

December 17. The courier whom we sent to Colvile re- 
turned last eve and delivered a full letter from John L. 
Lewes, Esq., addressed to Mr. Walker. I will transcribe a 
small part of its contents. " I most truly feel for you and 
those with you on the receipt of such horrid doings among 
your friends. You must have been in a dreadful state of 
excitement. 

" You ask for my advice under the present alarming state 
of your affairs. This I will cordially give as far as I can. 
I see but one mode for you to adopt, if on certain intelli- 
gence, you learn that the Brutes are intent on following up 
their ideas of bloodshed, by adding you and those with you 
to their already long list of murders. Fly to this Establish- 
ment, one and all, without delay and I will do my best for 
your protection till we can find the means of conveying you 
all to Vancouver, or till times of peace return again, mak- 
ing it safe to return to your present abode. Be not back- 
ward in accepting this my offer, and on no account if you 
apprehend danger, defer your departure till too late. I 
shall not be able to afford you all the comfort and con- 
venience of your own once happy home, but you may rely 
on a hearty welcome and we will make the best shift we can 
for the time being. As Jack Tar says, ' Any port in a 
storm.' Or if you prefer sending Mrs. Walker, Mrs. Eells 
and children here before you are finally obliged to quit 
yourselves, do so. And again I promise to do my best to 
supply and provide for them the needful. So soon and im- 
mediately that you receive any certain news of the Indians' 
intentions towards you, let me know. Send an Indian post 
with the intelligence." 

With reference to our present situation I am not able to 
see that we are particularly exposed. To my mind there 
appears to be no substantial reason to apprehend immediate 
danger. Our only safety is in the Lord, and we feel this 
more sensibly now than ever before. At the same time we 
would not think lightly of human instrumentality or neglect 
a diligent and faithful use of means for the preservation of 
human life, and consecrated property. About half way 
between this place and Colvile is a small settlement of half- 
breeds. Unasked they have signified a readiness to come 
to our relief if needed. 



APPENDIX 297 

Monday, 27. Some twenty or twenty-five miles up the 
Spokane River is a camp of Indians, consisting of between 
150 and 200 souls. Yesterday two of the principal men 
from that place came here. I signified my regret that they 
came upon the Sabbath. In reply it was said their intention 
was to have come the day before but their horses were not 
found till Saturday night. To-day we have had a long 
talk. Several of our people here were present most of the 
time. The two from abroad said they had come on account 
of the late sad transactions at Waiilatpu ; but chiefly be- 
cause they had heard Mr. Lewes had invited us to move to 
Colvile. They wished to persuade us to remain where we 
are, confident that there is no reason to apprehend danger 
at present. They wished to assure us of a readiness on 
their part and also of their people to afford us all the pro- 
tection in their power, should the Kayuse Indians take any 
measures to injure us. What was said by all present was 
as agreeable as could be reasonably expected, though on 
the whole not very satisfactory. Near the close of the talk 
a remark was made among themselves which I am obliged 
to believe has a close connection with their willingness to 
defend us if necessary. It was substantially the following. 
The Kayuses have been considerably reduced in numbers 
by recent deaths. It would not be difficult for the Indians 
of this region so far to exterminate them as to be able to 
drive off large numbers of their horses and cattle. 

To-day an Indian was to start to go to Walla Walla with 
letters, but chiefly to obtain further intelligence. Through 
the influence of others he does not go. I have signified my 
dissatisfaction with such conduct. They talk but are slow 
to act, 

Tuesday, January 4th, 1848. The Chief Cornelius is a 
day's ride from this place. He with his senior wife and an- 
other attendant, arrived here on the eve of Saturday, three 
days ago, — is blind in one eye, sees but indistinctly with 
the other, and is afflicted with almost constant pain in his 
head. Constant attention to his children for three succes- 
sive days and nights during recent sickness greatly increased 
the difficulty in his head. He called on Mr. Walker soon 
after he came, said the sole cause of his visit to this place was 
the recent murder of our friends. On our account he had 
come, and wished to have a long talk. On the Sabbath 
he did not attend worship. The reason assigned for his 



298 MARCUS WHITMAN 

absence was indisposition. Yesterday he did in like manner 
and for the same reason. At the close of the public re- 
ligious services yesterday Mr. Walker suggested the expe- 
diency of complying with the wishes of the chief, and with 
my concurrence invited him to our house for a formal con- 
sultation. He made some just remarks respecting the sin 
and folly of the Kayuse Indians, but the burden of a long 
speech was a history of their former wars, the influence of 
a few chiefs, and the agency himself had in promoting 
peace. On our part it was remarked that we are in a state 
of anxiety and of suspense. We are in the dark, and de- 
sirous to obtain more full information. That effort to 
obtain some one to go to Walla Walla had been ineffectual. 

Friday, 7. This eve another talk has been held with 
Cornelius. It was not essentially different from the one on 
Monday except that near the close he made inquiries which, 
if I mistake not, implied that the mission property (of which 
it is known there was a large amount at Waiilatpu) is sub- 
ject to our control and if recovered will be likely to be re- 
moved to this place. He also stated, as a remark which 
had been made to him, that too small pay had been offered 
to one who should go for us to Walla Walla. 

Monday, 10. This morning while we were at breakfast 
an Indian in passing called, and gave rather indefinite 
information respecting intelligence which reached this 
place last eve. If I understand correctly the following is 
substantially the report: 

From Walla Walla a Hawaiian was sent to Vancouver 
with intelligence of the late murders committed at Waiilatpu. 
On his way back he was intercepted by Indians a short dis- 
tance above the Dalls, and asked for information. He 
refused to communicate, was taken and tied and told if he 
would inform them what had been done below he should 
be released, if not, be killed. He then said that the death 
of those killed at Waiilatpu had been revenged by killing 
all the Indians from the upper country who had gone below. 
The brains of the Hawaiian were then beat out with a stone, 
and he was thrown into the river. The correctness of the 
report is very improbable, and the more sober of those 
about us say there is no reason to credit it, still there are 
not wanting those who would willingly believe it so that 
they might have an excuse to gratify their savage passions, 
their thirst to murder and plunder. 



APPENDIX 299 

Soon after breakfast the chief and three others came in 
and remained till noon. They profess to believe that the 
life of the mission families at this place is in danger on 
account of the report now flying through the country. 
They apprehend no open or general attack, but fear the 
treachery of the assassin. The same lips that heretofore 
have confidently asserted there was no danger, now express 
much concern for us. But whatever may be the danger 
here or in our present situation it will be greatly increased 
in making any immediate change. Up to this date my 
mind has generally been tranquil with reference to the per- 
sonal safety of our families. But to-day my thoughts and 
feelings are disturbed. On the first hearing of the report 
it appeared to me alarming, not that I believe it to be true 
but from what I feared might be the effect upon a certain 
class of Indians. To human appearance our life is in 
jeopardy and we cannot flee. Our only hope is in God. 

Tuesday, n. Till a late hour last night sleep did not 
come to my eyes or quiet to my throbbing breast. At 
length He who hushed to rest the raging billows calmed my 
troubled mind and I fell asleep. This morning my views 
in respect to the danger of our present situation are much 
the same as yesterday but my feelings are greatly changed. 
If I have not been deceived it was in obedience to the Di- 
vine command and following the leadings of Divine Provi- 
dence that I with my family came here, and have remained 
till the present time. And as there seems to be no possible 
way of escape without increasing the danger we can only 
make use of such means as are at hand for protection, and 
then leave the result with Him " in whose hand our breath 
is, and whose are all our ways." I have confidence to 
believe that we shall somehow be carried safely through the 
present excitement. This storm will most likely pass over in 
a short time,but how soon another may arise we can not tell. 

Wednesday, 12. We have at length succeeded in starting 
an express to Walla Walla. To effect this it was neces- 
sary to send two and promise to give to each extra pay. 

In accordance with a suggestion of the chief I have put 
up 3 strong window shutters and placed 3 horses and a 
mule under a lock. 

Thursday, 20. A little before noon three men from Walla 
Walla arrived. They are going to Colvile, have a large 
package of letters among which were several for this place. 



300 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Mr. Chief Factor Ogden writes that by giving a large 
amount of property he has succeeded in recovering all the 
captives. From the station at Waiilatpu and from among 
the Indians he recovered 6 men, 8 women, and 37 children. 
From Clear Water 4 men, 2 women, and 3 children. Mr. 
Spalding advises us to abandon this station immediately. 

In the eve Cornelius was invited for consultation upon 
the expediency of the women and children of this station 
going to Colvile to remain until we shall know more of the 
state of things below. He opposed the proposition with all 
the force of argument he could bring to bear upon the 
point. The conclusion is that we remain as we are until 
additional reasons shall occur requiring a change. 

21. Mr. Walker started for Colvile to confer with Mr. 
Lewes respecting our situation and prospects. 

Wednesday, 26. Mr. Walker has this p.m. returned. We 
are not advised to make any change at present. All our 
movements will be regulated by the steps the Oregon Gov- 
ernment shall take, and that we may not long remain in the 
dark, Mr. Lewes has directed the gentleman at Walla Walla 
to forward the first important intelligence, cost what it may. 

I shall here close this communication as there will be an 
opportunity soon to forward it to Walla Walla and most 
likely to Vancouver. If circumstances allow I shall en- 
deavor to keep you fully informed respecting us. 

With much propriety we may say we know not the things 
that will befall us. I fear the Lord has a controversy with 
us. I am afraid of His judgments. Late events are full of 
admonition and warning. 

With sentiments of love and esteem, believe me, 
Dear Sir, 

Your unworthy fellow-laborer, 

(Signed) Cushing Eells. 



LETTER FROM REV. H. H. SPALDING 

Fort Vancouver, January 8, 1848. 
To Rev. David Greene, 

Sec. A. B. C. F. M. 
My Dear Sir: 

It has become my painful duty to inform you of a most 
melancholy providence. I have however but a short time 



APPENDIX 301 

to write as the express leaves this place to-morrow morning 
for the States. I can now only state the awful fact leaving 
the details for a further communication. Our dear brother 
and sister Whitman have been massacred by their Indians. 
With them were murdered 12 other persons, viz., Mr. 
Rogers who has been two years preparing for the ministry 
with a view to join our mission, John and Francis Sager 
the two eldest boys of the orphan children, Messrs. Kim- 
ball of Indiana, Saunders, Hall, Marsh, Hoffman of El- 
myra, N. Y., Gillam, Young, Sails, and Bulee, of the late 
immigration who had stopped at the station to winter. The 
three first have left large families. 

The massacre took place on the 29th of Nov. Mr. Smith 
and family were at the saw mill 20 miles distant at the time, 
also Mr. Young, wife and 3 sons. Next day one of the latter 
came down to the station for provisions and was killed. The 
others were sent for 9 days after the horrible deed and their 
lives preserved to regulate and tend the flour mill. But the 
women and children to the number of 48, including my eld- 
est daughter, who was at the station at the time, were made 
slaves by the murderers, and treated in the most cruel and 
brutal manner. Eight days after the first massacre, Messrs. 
Sails and Bulee, young men who were sick, were dragged 
from their beds, butchered and cut to pieces in the most 
horrible manner in the presence of the women and children 
and their dead bodies lay near the door for 48 hours rolled 
in mud and blood, and the captives, and among them was a 
sister of Bulee, were compelled to pass over them to get 
their wood and water. No one was allowed to wash and 
bury them till two Nez Perces arrived. Doct. Whitman 
had just returned from burying an Indian child, was 
engaged in reading. An Indian, to divert his attention 
was in the act of soliciting medicine while another came 
behind him and with a tomahawk struck him on the back 
of his head, a second blow on the top of the head laid him 
lifeless on the floor. Then Tilankait, a principal chief 
and who has ever received unnumbered favors of the Doct. 
and who was about to be received into the church, fell 
upon the dead body and mangled it horribly, cutting the 
face and head, ripping it open and taking out the heart, 
etc., etc., and scattering them in the mud. Other bodies 
were treated in the same brutal, savage manner. The little 
captive girls were compelled to pass over these mangled 



3 02 MARCUS WHITMAN 

bodies frequently to torment them. They lay 48 hours 
(/. e., from Monday till Wednesday), scattered about the 
premises, and none were allowed to gather them up and 
bury them, even the distracted widows were not allowed 
to go out and soothe the last moments of their dying hus- 
bands, some of whom lingered till late in the agonies of 
death. Mrs. Whitman fled up stairs where she received a 
wound in the breast, through the window. Mr. Rogers 
joined her but they were seduced down by the Indians 
promising not to kill them, but they were immediately 
taken to the door and shot. Mrs. Whitman died immedi- 
ately, but Mr. Rogers lingered a long time. Mr. Osborn 
who was sick and who with his sick family hid themselves 
under the floor, heard him as he lay wallowing in the mud 
and blood frequently say, " Lord Jesus, come quickly," till 
his voice failed. Mr. Hall fled from the Indians, reached 
Walla Walla, crossed the Columbia river, proceeded to this 
place, but he has not yet arrived, and Indian reports say he 
was killed on his route. Mr. Canfield fled wounded, se- 
creted himself in an upper room till dark, then fled some 
8 miles and hid himself in the bushes through Tuesday. 
During the day he heard several guns and as I was expected 
to return that day from the Utilla he took it for granted 
that I had fallen. At night he took the direction of my 
station and although a stranger, reached it through the 
interposing hand of God on Saturday and communicated 
the terrible news, stating that I was probably killed and 
that my daughter was of course among the captives. 

Mrs. Spalding immediately sent an Indian to rescue Eliza 
if possible. Mr. Osborn and sick family fled that night about 
3 miles and hid themselves in the bushes; next night they 
travelled about 5 miles when Mrs. Osborn gave out. Mr. 
O. took one child, leaving his wife and 2 children, reached 
Walla Walla where he obtained horses and a friendly Indian 
and after wandering and searching long, they reached the 
fort Friday night, Mrs. O. and the children having had 
nothing to eat though the whole time. Mr. Stanley, a 
painter, returning from Tshimakam to Waiilatpu when in 
about two miles of the bloody scene on Wednesday, was 
informed by a little girl that all were dead at that place. 
He escaped to Walla Walla. A Nez Perces who was present 
and witnessed the horrible scene left on Friday and reached 
Clear Water on Sunday and gave the intelligence that I had 



APPENDIX 303 

escaped the Indians and had taken the direction of the 
Willamette. My safe arrival through the interposing hand 
of God, however, on Monday night removed the dreadful 
suspense from the mind of Mrs. S. The account of my 
own escape is too long for this letter, and almost every 
word speaks of the interposing hand of God in a most won- 
derful manner. I was at the Utilla, 20 miles west of 
Waiilatpu, at the time of the massacre and remained there 
visiting the sick and preaching to the Indians till Wednes- 
day morn, and then left for the station. When in about 
3 miles I met a Catholic priest, his interpreter, and a 
Kayuse. After some conversation had together, the Indian 
wheeled and with great speed proceeded back toward the 
house, when the priest informed me what had taken place. 
He informed me that he had arrived there the night before, 
that he had that morning baptized the children of the mur- 
derers while the hands of their parents were yet wet with 
the warm blood of their devoted Protestant teachers, after 
which he had assisted two friendly Indians in burying the 
slain. He said 10 men and Mrs. Whitman had been killed, 
that a Frenchman in the employ of the Doct. had been 
spared as also the women and children, that no Frenchman 
or H. B. Co. men should be harmed but only Americans. 
This he received from the Chief. I requested him to take 
charge of my pack horse, took some provision which he 
had prepared for the night, and gave myself into the hands 
of God and my horse to the plains. In the mean time the 
Indian returned back to reload his pistol and wait for me 
to come along. He had started with the priest with a view 
to kill me, but stopping to smoke he had accidentally dis- 
charged his pistol in lighting his pipe and had neglected to 
reload. After waiting a while he wheeled again on his 
track and pursued the priest who had providentially made 
great speed and reached some 10 miles before the Indian 
overtook him. Not finding me here nor learning from the 
interpreter what direction I took he returned again to point 
of waiting and took my track, but darkness soon coming on 
he was stopped for the night. Suffice to say the Lord 
delivered me from my pursuer. I traveled nights, lay 
concealed days, second night horse left me. I had now 
90 miles to walk without food, must leave everything even 
my boots as they were small. But praised be the name of 
God the 4th night I reached home without great suffering. 



304 MARCUS WHITMAN 

A dispatch was sent immediately from Walla Walla to this 
place. Mr. Ogden with two boats and a great amount of 
property proceeded with all haste to Walla Walla, sent an 
order for myself and family and the Americans at my place 
to join him without delay and a request to the Nez Perces 
to deliver me up with the promise of property. In 48 
hours we were under way with considerable of our property, 
considerable has been left, considerable plundered by the 
Indians and some given to appease them. We reached 
Walla Walla in 4 days escorted by about 40 Nez Perces to 
protect us from the Kayuse who required a large amount of 
property which was furnished at the fort. Here we found 
the captives from Waiilatpu rescued by the very prompt 
and judicious efforts of Mr. Ogden. He paid 50 blankets 
to the Kayuse for the captives with a large amount of other 
property. To the Nez Perces he paid 12 blankets with 
other property. My party swelled the number of the res- 
cued to 60 and the next day we were in 3 boats and on 
our way to this place. God gave us the very best of 
weather for the season and we reached here to-day. On 
the 10th we proceed to Oregon City where Mr. Ogden will 
deliver us to the Governor. Too much praise cannot be 
awarded to the H. B. Co. and especially to Mr. Ogden for 
his prompt, timely, judicious and Christian efforts in our 
behalf. We owe it under kind heaven to the efforts of 
Messrs. Ogden and Douglas that we are alive and at this 
place to-day. May the God of heaven abundantly reward 
them. The property at Waiilatpu has all been plundered 
and the buildings demolished. 400 troop have already 
collected and are on their way to take possession of the 
Kayuse country and to punish the guilty. Messrs. Eells 
and Walker have been advised to go to Colvile. God in 
mercy direct us. Yours in haste and affliction, 

(Signed) H. H. Spalding. 

10 

LETTER FROM REV. H. H. SPALDING 

„, ^ ^ „ Oregon City, January 24, 1848. 

To Rev. David Greene, 

Sec. of A. B. C. F. M. 

My Dear Sir : 

It has become my painful duty to communicate to you 

the intelligence of the horrible massacre of our dear brother 



APPENDIX 305 

and sister, Doct. and Mrs. Whitman and of 12 other 
Americans residing at the station. The massacre took 
place on 29 Nov. attended by the most savage and beastly 
brutalities. The victims, especially our dear br. and sist. 
Whitman, Mr. Rogers, and Francis were supposed to 
linger from ij p.m. till late in the night, the sport of their 
savage passions. They were cut, torn, shot, dragged from 
the house, rolled in the mud, stripped, their dying groans 
returned by blows with the whip, by yells of laughter. 
They attempted to ride their horses over them, and finally 
left them yet alive (at least two of them) to struggle and 
tearing the earth in their dying agonies. In the morn they 
were all dead. But the bodies of the slain were not allowed 
to be gathered up and buried till 48 hours after, and then 
they were thrown into a common pit without coffins and 
covered so slightly, the body of Mrs. Whitman was dug up 
by the wolves and partly devoured. It was replaced by 
some friendly Indians but slightly covered and I fear her 
bones are now scattered upon the plains, but her spirit I 
trust is at rest in the bosom of her Saviour. The women 
and children were made captives and continued victims of 
their brutal passions and savage cruelty till 1st Jan. when 
they were all rescued by Mr. Ogden and we met at Walla 
Walla a deeply afflicted company, thankful, however, that 
so many of us escaped the massacre. 

The persons massacred were Doct. Whitman, Mrs. Whit- 
man, Mr. Rogers, members of our mission. John Sager, 
Francis Sager, the two eldest of the orphan family of seven 
whom you will recollect were brought fatherless and 
motherless to Doct. Whitman (both parents having died 
on the route) by the immigration of 1844, and were by him 
adopted as his own children; Mr. Kimble of Indiana, leav- 
ing a widow and 5 children, the eldest 16, the youngest 1; 
Mr. Saunders of Oskaloosa, Iowa, leaving a widow and 
5 children, the eldest 14 and the youngest 2; Mr. Hall, 
leaving a widow and 5 children, the eldest 10, the young- 
est 1; Mr. Hoffman of Elmira, N. Y., Mr. Marsh, Mr. 
Young, Mr. Gillam of Oskaloosa, Mr. Sails of same place, 
Mr. Bewley. The two latter were spared at first, on ac- 
count of being sick. Nine days after they were dragged 
from their sick beds, beaten, mangled, murdered in the 
most brutal manner and in the presence of the captive 
women and children, their bodies thrown by the door, rolled 



3 o6 MARCUS WHITMAN 

in blood and mud, over which the captives were compelled 
to pass for wood and water, for 48 hours, when they were 
thrown into a pit as the others. Mr. Hall escaped and 
fled to Walla Walla, was refused admittance, as believed 
by all Americans, judging from the fact that Mr. Osborn 
with his sick family was refused admittance two days after, 
Mr. McBean being a bigoted papist. Mr. H. was furnished 
a blanket, crossed over the Columbia R. and started on foot 
for Willamette. Indian report says he was murdered by 
the De Sheut Indians who have since united with the 
Kayuse. He has not reached this country. 

Mr. Osborn and sick family concealed themselves under 
the floor till late in the night hearing the dying groans of 
sister Whitman and Mr. Rogers lying near the door. They 
then traveled some 4 miles when Mrs. O's strength failed. 
She had been sick with measles and childbirth and had 
not yet walked a step. They concealed themselves in the 
bushes till next night when they proceeded as much further. 
Mr. O. here left his sick family with no food, one quilt, 
took one child and reached the Fort same night. Mr. 
McBean kept him concealed till Thursday night when he 
sent him away with Mr. Stanley's horses and an Indian 
for his family but ordered him not to return to the Fort as 
he would not afford him protection or provisions as he 
feared it might endanger his post. They searched all night 
for the miserable family, and Mr. O. gave over about 
light, but the Indian (a Walla Walla) persevered and found 
them about the rising of the sun, and wonderful to tell 
they were yet alive. They proceeded as directed to the 
Utilla to the Catholic Bishop, but the strength of Mrs. O. 
failing, they turned to the Fort, where they were finally 
admitted. Mr. Canfield escaped wounded and hid himself 
till night in the upper loft of the large building where 4 
families were living. At night he took a buffalo robe and 
a little provision and started for my station, and although 
a stranger to the route, reached my house on Saturday eve, 
and communicated the astounding intelligence to Mrs. 
Spalding aggravated by the probability that her husband 
was numbered with the slain and the fact that her daugh- 
ter Eliza was among the captives, having accompanied me 
to Waiilatpu the week before. Mrs. S. dispatched two Nez 
Perces immediately to rescue her daughter and to learn if 
possible whether I had escaped. I may here say that the 



APPENDIX 307 

Kayuse would not give up Eliza, and threatened if the 
two Nez Perces attempted to take her away they would 
follow and kill her. 

The day after the arrival of Mr. Canfield at Clear 
Water a Nez Perces arrived with the intelligence that I 
had escaped the Kayuse on a swift horse and had prob- 
ably fled to the Willamette. On Monday a large number 
of Nez Perces collected at my station with a view to 
plunder it and strip Mrs. Spalding and her children and 
leave them to perish on the plains or make them slaves. 
Most of these plunderers were from the camp of Joseph, 
who, you will recollect, was one of the two first natives re- 
ceived into our church, and who up to this event has sus- 
tained a good Christian character. One of the number 
was his own brother-in-law and from his lodge. But the 
great majority of the Nez Perces showed themselves 
friendly, protected the house from plunder to a great 
extent, assisted in removing Mrs. Spalding to Mr. Craig's 
10 miles up the valley, and one of the chiefs guarded the 
house till we left with much of our movable property. 
Considerable, however, was plundered, more was forced in 
the way of payment or gifts, and all the heavy articles we 
were obliged to leave for want of time and means to convey 
them to Fort Walla Walla. 

Two families were living at the sawmill 20 miles distant 
from the station Waiilatpu at the time of the massacre. 
They continued there for 9 days, when the Indians sent 
for them to start again the flour mill and grind their grain. 
They spared the men and delivered them to Mr. Ogden 
with the other captives. Mr. Stanley, artist, from Ontario 
Co., N. Y., returning from the station of Messrs. Walker 
and Eells to Waiilatpu and when within some two miles of 
the station on Wednesday was informed by two Indian 
children by signs that Doct. Whitman and others had been 
killed. He fled immediately for Walla Walla, was met by 
a Kayuse, who, drawing his pistol, inquired if he was a 
" Boston man." Mr. S. replied, " No." " Are you then 
an ' Alain,' " the opposite of American ? He replied 
" Yes," not knowing exactly what the word meant. This 
saved his life. That night he lay in the bushes of the 
Tusha, by which place I passed the latter part of the same 
night. Next day he reached the Fort, as above stated. 

Pages might be filled with facts concerning the horrible 



3 o8 MARCUS WHITMAN 

manner in which the victims were treated while the savages 
were putting them to death. The bodies of some were 
ripped open and the heart and bowels taken out. The 
surviving children of the Doct.'s family were assembled to 
be shot in the room where the Doct. and John lay horribly 
cut to pieces, but yet breathing. The Indians with their 
guns in their hands stood thick around them waiting the 
dreadful order. My daughter was among them and under- 
stood every word. Who can measure the sufferings of 
these innocent lambs ? Finally the word was given to spare 
them; at the same time they commenced firing upon Mr. 
Rogers and Mrs. Whitman who had some time before re- 
ceived a mortal wound in the heart. I might speak of the 
cruel treatment received by the captives, the sufferings of 
the sick children, 3 of whom died. The young women 
were dragged out by night, beaten, and basely treated. 
Three of them were made wives by the savages. And 
heart sickening to relate, one by Hezekiah, the principal 
Kayuse chief, and one often mentioned in my letters as 
one of our most diligent scholars, 3 winters in our school 
at Clear Water, and a member of our church. Immedi- 
ately after the massacre the house was plundered of its 
property, the furniture destroyed, the woodwork demol- 
ished. The great amount of property you sent last year 
had been brought up a few weeks before, was yet un- 
divided, and was lost, /. e., plundered by the Indians. 
The cattle, horses, and sheep have been taken. Whether 
the troops will recover any of them or not remains yet to 
be learned. 

At the time of the massacre, which was on Monday, I 
was at the Utilla 20 miles west of Waiilatpu, remained 
there till Wednesday morning when I started for Waiilatpu, 
and was within 2 miles of the station when I met a Catholic 
priest, his interpreter, and a Kayuse Indian. This Indian 
had accompanied the priest with a view to shoot me on 
meeting me, as they expected me that day. Providentially 
he had stopped to smoke, and in lighting his pipe had ac- 
cidentally discharged his pistol. The hand of the Lord 
prevented him from reloading and in this situation he met 
me. He wheeled to reload in a secret place and wait for 
me to come up. In the meantime the priest informed me 
of the massacre, and said that the Indian had accompanied 
him for the purpose of killing me, and that he feared for 



APPENDIX 309 

me. He said he camped at the Indian village 1 mile from 
the station the night before, had baptised the children of 
the murderers that morning, after which he went to the 
house to see the women and children and to assist in bury- 
ing the dead. He said that my daughter was alive, that the 
chief has assured him that the women and children should 
not be killed, that all Frenchmen, Hudson Bay men, and 
Catholics should not be hurt; that only Protestants or 
Americans should be destroyed. I asked him to take 
charge of my 3 horses, one packed, and I also asked him 
to look after my daughter and the women and children. 
He furnished me a little food, and I wheeled upon the 
plains. 

In the meantime the Indian waited for me to come along. 
At length he mounted and pursued after the priest, think- 
ing I had returned with him ; but not finding me with him 
he was obliged to return to the place of our meeting before 
he could take my track, which he followed, but the thick 
darkness of night came on before he overtook me. I fled 
all night, changing my course from the Willamette to the 
Nez Perces country and my own home. I crossed the 
Walla Walla River, kept the high grass, where the next 
day the Indian lost my trail, followed the Tusha in its wind- 
ings till light, and then lay by next day. Next night I 
continued up the Tusha, struck the trail for Walla Walla 
to my place, slept a few moments, and proceeded. Soon 
after I heard the tramp of horses coming direct in the trail 
of the station of Messrs. Walker and Eells to Waiilatpu. 
This, I thought, is no other than a band of Kayuse Indians 
returning from the murder of the brethren. Doubtless all 
are cut off at my station also, and I am alone in the Indian 
country. I wheeled my horse from the trail, lay flat, and 
seized him by the nose to prevent him from calling out to 
the passing horses. Darkness prevented them from seeing 
me. What that band was I know not. It is certain they 
had not been to the station of Messrs. Walker and Eells. 

About light I stopped to bait my horse, when he escaped, 
leaving me to perform the rest of the journey, 90 miles, on 
foot, without food. I was also obliged to leave my blankets 
and even my boots, as they were too small for traveling. 
I have not time to give the interesting events of the remain- 
ing part of the route. Suffice it to say that lying by days, 
on Monday night the 6th of my flight, I entered an Indian 



3io MARCUS WHITMAN 

lodge near my house, which had been vacated that day by 
Mrs. Spalding, and the news went to her that I had 
arrived. The Nez Perces received me kindly and treated 
us with friendship while we remained. They said they 
would protect us from the Kayuse if we would protect them 
from harm from the Americans. This we agreed to do if 
they would keep their hands clean from blood and plunder. 
There were with us my brother-in-law and Messrs. Craig, 
Jackson, and Canfield, and two Frenchmen. We built a 
log building to protect ourselves, not knowing when we 
could leave the country, as it was plain that we should not 
be able to depart unless by the interposition of the H. B. 
Co. In fact it was certain that should the Kayuse Indians 
learn that the Americans were coming up to avenge the 
death of the slain, they would immediately fall upon the 
captives at Waiilatpu, 52 in all, and cut them off, and would 
also be likely to make an attack upon the stations of Clear 
Water and Tshimakain. Mr. McBean of Walla Walla sent 
an express immediately to Vancouver, but neglected to in- 
form Mr. Hinman at the Dalls, although in the letter to 
Mr. Douglas, after stating the number slain he says, " 3 
parties are fitting out, one to the mills, one to Mr. Spald- 
ing, and one to the Dalls to cut all off." Mr. Hinman 
had occasion to accompany the express to Vancouver, and 
you may imagine his feelings on hearing the letter read. 
Very likely his family and those with him were already cut 
off or would be before he could return and prepare to meet 
the enemy. There is no excuse for Mr. McBean. 

Mr. Ogden with 16 men, 2 boats, and considerable prop- 
erty proceeded immediately to Walla Walla, arriving Dec. 
19. By his great prudence and prompt efforts and by pay- 
ing 52 blankets, 52 shirts, several guns, considerable ammu- 
nition, and other property he succeeded in obtaining all the 
captives who were brought into the Fort, 29. In the mean- 
time he sent an order to the Nez Perces Indians to deliver 
me up and those with me. They finally consented on con- 
dition that we would return when it should become safe to 
live in the country, and 48 hours after receiving the order 
we were on our way to Walla Walla, escorted by 40 Nez 
Perces as a guard through the Kayuse country. We suf- 
fered much from cold, but made the journey in 4 days, 
arriving Jan. 1st. Found our dear daughter too weak to 
meet us at the door from hard usage in her captivity. 



APPENDIX 311 

Thank God she has recovered. 2 Jan. we left Walla Walla 
in 3 boats, making a quick passage to Vancouver, arriving 
on the 8th, the Lord commanding the wind and the 
weather concerning us. Our arrival at this city on the 12 
Jan. was greeted by 3 guns and a hearty welcome of the 
citizens, who mingle freely their tears of grief with ours at 
the terrible calamity which has befallen the country, as also 
their tears of joy that so many, by the interposing hand of 
Providence, escaped the bloody massacre. We were form- 
ally delivered to the Governor by Mr. Ogden, who cannot 
be awarded too much praise by us who owe our immediate 
deliverance and perhaps our lives to him under God, by the 
citizens of Oregon, by the A. B. C. F. M., and by the citi- 
zens of the U. S., for his very philanthropic, prompt, and 
judicious effort in rescuing so many of his fellow beings from 
Indian captivity and perhaps from a terrible death. In com- 
parison with this last reflection I am happy in the confidence 
that no earthly treasure or human praise could have any 
weight in his benevolent mind. 

The benevolence of the city soon found places for the 
widows and afflicted families. The Governor and his family 
offered us the hospitalities of their home, where we re- 
mained for a few days. We are now in our own hired 
house, expecting to leave in two weeks for Tualatin Plains, 
to engage in an orphan school for the winter. We know 
not what is before us. Messrs. Walker and Eells were in- 
formed of the massacre and advised to remove to Colvile 
without delay. 300 volunteers have already reached the 
Dalls under Gen. Gillian of the Florida war, to punish 
the perpetrators of this horrid deed and also to defend the 
country. But we have evidently a growing enemy to meet, 
as the Walla Wallas and the tribes north are uniting and 
concentrating upon these settlements. May the Lord 
spare this infant colony from universal massacre, but the 
clouds are gathering fast. We have men, but are in want 
of funds and munitions of war. For this end the Gov- 
ernor wishes to dispatch a messenger to California forth- 
with to solicit of Commodore Shubrick two or three 
vessels of war to be sent immediately to our relief, but he 
needs the means. I feel it to be my duty to supply them, 
and have therefore offered $500 to be paid on Vancouver 
on the return of the messenger, and to come into the Bill 
of next year. In doing it I throw myself upon the patriot- 



3 i2 MARCUS WHITMAN 

ism of those churches who contribute to the funds of our 
Board. I know they will immediately call to mind the 
tears and blood which early Indian atrocities caused to flow 
profusely, in the midst of which they laid the foundations 
of those institutions, civil and religious, of which we are 
justly proud as American citizens and American Christians, 
and with the fall of which all must fall that we hold dearer 
than life, but which I am constrained to say are considered 
by the candid particularly aimed at in this Indian war. 

I am obliged to close and wait a further communication 
to give further particulars, as also the causes remote and 
immediate which led to the horrid massacre. 

May the God of peace throw around us his arms of pro- 
tection. 

Yours in Christian love, 

(Signed) H. H. Spalding. 

ii 

LETTER FROM REV. CUSHING EELLS GIVING AD- 
DRESSES AT CONFERENCE WITH THE INDIANS 
— ALSO A LETTER FROM CHIEF FACTOR OGDEN 

TSHIMAKAIN, NEAR FORT COLVILE, 

Oregon Mission, January 29, 1848. 
Rev. David Greene, 

Secretary A. B. C. F. M., 
Dear Sir: — 

I suppose that any information relative to the late mel- 
ancholy transactions at Waiilatpu will be acceptable, there- 
fore I will forward the following copy. 
Very respectfully yours, 

(Signed) Cushing Eells. 

MR. CHIEF FACTOR OGDEN'S ADDRESS TO THE MOST INFLU- 
ENTIAL CHIEFS IN BEHALF OF THE AMERICAN FAMILIES 
KEPT AS HOSTAGES AND PRISONERS BY THEM 

" I regret that all the Chiefs I asked for are not present, 
two being absent. I expect the words I am about address- 
ing you will be reported to them and your young men, on 
your return to your camps. 



APPENDIX 313 

" It is now thirty years since we have been among you. 
During this long period we have never had any instance of 
blood being spilt until the inhuman massacre which has so 
recently taken place. 

" We are traders and a different nation from the Ameri- 
cans. But recollect we supply you with ammunition, not 
to kill the Americans. They are of the same color as our- 
selves, speak the same language, children of the same God, 
and humanity makes our hearts bleed when we behold you 
using them so cruelly. Besides this revolting butchery, 
have not the Indians pillaged, ill-treated, and insulted their 
women when peaceably making their way to the Willamette ? 
As Chiefs, ought you to have connived at such conduct on 
the part of your young men ? Was it not rather your duty 
to use your influence to prevent it ? You tell me the young 
men committed these deeds without your knowledge. Why 
do we make you chiefs if you have no control over your 
young men ? If you allow them to govern you, you are a 
set of Hermaphrodites and unworthy of the appellation of 
men or Chiefs. You young, hot-headed men, I know you 
pride yourselves upon your bravery and think no one can 
match you. Do not deceive yourselves. If you get the 
Americans to commence once, you will repent it, and war 
will not end until every one of you is cut off from the face 
of the earth. I am aware that a good many of your friends 
and relatives have died through sickness. The Indians of 
other places have shared the same fate. It is not Dr. 
Whitman that has poisoned them, but God has commanded 
that they should die. We are weak mortals and must sub- 
mit. I trust you will avail yourselves of the opportunity by 
doing so. It may prove advantageous to you, but at the 
same time remember you alone will be responsible for the 
consequences. It is merely advice I give you. We have 
nothing to do with it. I have not come here to make you 
promises or hold out assistance. We have nothing to do 
with your quarrels. We remain neutral. On my return, 
if you wish it, I shall do all I can for you, but I do not 
promise you to prevent war. If you deliver me up all the 
prisoners I shall pay you for them on their being delivered, 
but let it not be said among you afterwards that I deceived 
you. 

" I and Mr. Douglas represent the Company, but I tell 
you once more we promise you nothing. We sympathize 



3 i4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

with these poor people and wish to return them to their 
friends and relatives by paying you for them. My request 
in behalf of the families concerns you, so decide for your- 
selves." 

THE YOUNG CHIEF'S (tAWATUe) REPLY 

" I arise! to thank you for your words. You white 
Chiefs command obedience with those that have to do with 
you. It is not so with us. Our young men are strong- 
headed and foolish. Formerly we had experienced good 
Chiefs. These are laid in the dust. The descendants of 
my father were the only good Chiefs. Though we made 
war with other tribes yet we always looked, and ever will 
look, upon the whites as our brothers. Our blood is mixed 
with yours. My heart bleeds for the death of so many 
good Chiefs I have known. For the demand made by you, 
the old Chief Toloquwet is here, speak to him. As regards 
myself, I am willing to give up the families." 



TOLOQUWET S REPLY 

" I have listened to your words. Young men do not 
forget them. As for war we have seen little of it. But 
our fathers have seen something of it. We know the 
whites to be our best friends, who have all along prevented 
us from killing each other. That is the reason why we 
avoid getting into a war with them, and why we do not 
wish to be separated from them. Besides the tie of blood, 
the whites have shown us convincing proof of their attach- 
ment to us by burying their dead long side of ours. Chief, 
your words are weighty. Your hairs are gray. We have 
known you a long time. You have had an unpleasant trip 
to this place. I cannot therefore keep these families back. 
I make them over to you, which I would not do to another 
younger than yourself." 



SERPENT JAMES S REPLY 

" I have nothing to say. I know the Americans to be 
changeable. Still I am of opinion as the young Chief. 
The whites are our friends. We follow your advice. I 
consent to you taking the families. ' ' 



APPENDIX 315 

Mr. Ogden here addressed two Nez Perces Chiefs in be- 
half of Rev. Mr. Spalding and party, that they should be 
delivered to him on being paid, and spoke to them at 
length. The result was that both Chiefs (James and Iti- 
mimlpelp) promised to bring them provided they were 
willing to come, and immediately started to effect the 
same, having a letter from C. F. Ogden to Mr. Spalding. 



List of the names of the captives from the Waiilatpu 
station : 

Mission children. — Miss Mary A. Bridger; Miss Catherine 
Sager, 19 years; Miss Elizabeth Sager, 10 years; Miss 
Matilda I. Sager, 8 years; Miss Henrietta N. Sager, 4 
years; Miss Eliza Spalding, 10 years. 

Du Page Co., Illinois. — Mr. Joseph Smith; Mrs. Hannah 
Smith; Miss Mary Smith, 15 years; Mr. Edwin Smith, 19 
years; Mr. Charles Smith, 11 years; Mr. Nelson Smith, 6 
years; Mr. Mortimer Smith, 4 years. 

Ralls Co., Missouri. — Mrs. Rebecca Hays; Mr. H. Clay 
Hays, 4 years. 

Iowa. — Mrs. Mary Sanders; Miss Helen M. Sanders, 14 
years; Miss Phoebe L. Sanders, 10 years; Mr. Alfred W. 
Sanders, 6 years; Miss Nancy I. Sanders, 4 years; Miss 
Mary A. Sanders, 2 years. 

Fulton Co., Illinois. — Mrs. Eliza Hall ; Miss G. Jane 
Hall, 10 years; Miss Mary C. Hall, 8 years; Miss Ann E. 
Hall, 6 years; Miss Rebecca Hall, 3 years; Miss Rachel 
Hall, 1 year. 

La Porte, Indiana. — Mrs. Harriet Kimball; Miss Susan 
M. Kimball, 16 years; Mr. Nathan M. Kimball, 12 years; 
Mr. Byrom M. Kimball, 8 years; Miss Sarah S. Kimball, 6 
years; Miss Mirce A. Kimball, 1 year. 

Osage Co., Missouri. — Mr. Elam Young; Mrs. Irene 
Young; Mr. Daniel Young, 21 years; Mr. John Young, 19 
years. 

Iowa.— Mrs. Sally A. Canfield; Miss Ellen Canfield, 16 
years; Mr. Ascar Canfield, 9 years; Miss Clarissa Canfield, 
7 years; Miss Sylvia A. Canfield, 5 years; Mr. Albert 
Canfield, 3 years. 

Mr. Joseph Stanfield. 



316 MARCUS WHITMAN 

Henderson Co., Illinois. — Mr. Joseph Osborn; Mrs. 
Margaret Osborn; Miss Nancy A. Osborn, 9 years; Mr. 
John L., Osborn, 3 years; Mr. Alexander A. Osborn, 2 
years. 

Miss Nancy E. Marsh. 

Miss Lorinda Bewley. 



Mission children deceased since the massacre: 
Miss Hannah L. Sager, Miss Helen M. Meek. 

Names of persons killed at the Waiilatpu station: 

Dr. Whitman, Mrs. Narcissa Whitman, Mr. Andrew 
Rodgers, John Sager, Francis Sager, Mr. Hoffman, Mr. 
Sanders, Mr. Marsh, Mr. Kimball, Mr. Gillam, Mr. Bew- 
ley, Mr. Young, Jr., Mr. Sails. 



extract of a letter from p. s. ogden, esq., to rev. 
e. walker, dated walla walla, dec. 31, 1847 

Dear Sir: 

Mr. Stanley has promised to give you a recital of the 
melancholy massacre of the worthy Dr. and. his wife and 
nearly all the inmates of the mission. On receiving this 
account at Vancouver, and that many unfortunate individ- 
uals were still surviving, the following day I started with 
16 men and reached this on the 12th inst. Since that 
period have been employed in securing the captives, and 
have succeeded in obtaining all that were taken prisoners, 
and shall take my departure to-morrow for Vancouver. In 
effecting this humane object I have endured many an 
anxious hour and for the last two nights have not closed 
my eyes. But, thanks to the Almighty, I have succeeded. 
During the captivity of the prisoners they have suffered 
every indignity, but fortunately were well provided with 
food. I have been enabled to effect my object without 
compromising myself or others, and it now remains with 
the American Government to take what measures they 
deem most beneficial to restore tranquillity to this part of 



APPENDIX 317 

the country. This I apprehend cannot be finally effected 
without blood being made to flow freely. So as not to 
compromise either party I have made a heavy sacrifice in 
goods, but these are indeed of trifling value compared to 
the unfortunate beings I have rescued from these murderous 
wretches, and I feel truly happy. 

On my arrival at the Dalls I was consulted by Mr. Hin- 
man on the propriety of his staying or removing from that 
place. I advised him to remove, leaving a trusty Indian in 
charge. I think this arrangement will meet with your ap- 
probation. Under existing circumstances I could not 
certainly give any other advice. 
Yours truly, 

(Signed) P. S. Ogden. 



12 



VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE MASSACRE RECEIVED 

VIA HONOLULU. COPIED FROM THE ARCHIVES 

OF THE AMERICAN BOARD AT BOSTON 

OREGON 

Horrible Massacre by the Indians. — We received by the 
bark Janet from Columbia River a file of the Oregon Spec- 
tator to Dec. 9th, which contains the particulars of an 
attack on the Mission Station of Waiilatpu by the Cayuse 
Indians. The following letters contain all the particulars 
which have yet come to hand respecting this melancholy 

affair. 

Honolulu, February 2, 1848. 

C. E. Hitchcock, Esq. : 

Dear Sir, — Enclosed I hand you a letter from James 
Douglass, Esq., chief factor of the Honorable Hudson's 
Bay Co. at Fort Vancouver, detailing the tragical occur- 
rence which has recently taken place at the mission station 
at Waiilatpu, in which Dr. M. Whitman, missionary, and 
wife, and nine others were massacred by the Cayuse In- 
dians. By the same conveyance we received a letter from 
Dr. Whitman informing us of the intention of the mission 



3 i8 MARCUS WHITMAN 

to erect a schoolhouse at his station for the children of the 
mission, a meeting-house for the Indians, and to aid also 
the Indians in erecting some permanent storehouses, and 
requesting of us some supplies for that purpose; thus 
showing that to the last he was devising some means for the 
benefit of those by whose hands he fell. 

We feel under high obligations to the Hon. Hudson's 
Bay Co. 's officers for the promptitude with which they dis- 
patched a force for the protection and aid of the Rev. Mr. 
Spalding and family (as well as for frequent kindnesses 
extended by them to our missionaries in Oregon), but when 
we take into consideration that the time necessary to con- 
vey the intelligence to Fort Vancouver must have been 
more than amply sufficient for the Indians to have reached 
the station of the Rev. Mr. Spalding and executed any 
purposes of death or injury which they might have con- 
ceived against that gentleman or his family, I need not say 
that we shall wait with anxious solicitude for further intel- 
ligence from that quarter. May the Lord in mercy avert 
any further calamity as we have reason to apprehend, and 
bring good out of the melancholy occurrence which He has 
permitted to take place. 

Very respectfully yours, 

(Signed) S. N. Castle. 



Fort Vancouver, December 9, 1847. 
S. N. Castle, Esq. : 

Sir, — It is with feeling indescribably painful that I 
hasten to communicate to you, for the information of the 
Board of Missions, intelligence of a disastrous event which 
lately occurred at the missionary station at Waiilatpu. Our 
estimable friend, Dr. Whitman, his amiable and accom- 
plished lady, and nine other men and youths in the mission 
employ, were murdered on the 29th ult. by the Cayuse In- 
dians, with circumstances of the most revolting cruelty. 
The lives of the women and children, with the exception 
of the lamented lady already named, were spared. The 
mission being situated in the Cayuse country, they had a 
peculiar interest in protecting it from harm, in gratitude 
for past favors and for the blessings of religious instruction 
so assiduously dispensed to them and to their families; yet 
those very people, the objects of so much solicitude, were 



APPENDIX 319 

alone concerned in effecting the destruction of an establish- 
ment founded solely for their benefit. The Cayuse are the 
most treacherous and untractable of all the Indian tribes in 
this country, and had on many former occasions alarmed 
the inmates of the mission by their tumultuous proceedings 
and ferocious threats; but unfortunately these evidences 
of a brutal disposition were disregarded by the admirable 
pastor, and served only to arm him with a firmer resolution 
to do them good. He hoped that time and instruction 
would produce a change of mind — a better state of feeling 
towards the mission; and he might have lived to see his 
hopes realized had not the measles and dysentery, follow- 
ing in the train of immigrants from the United States, 
made frightful ravages this year in the upper country, many 
Indians having been carried off through the violence of 
the disease and others through their own imprudence. 

The Cayuse Indians of Waiilatpu, being sufferers in this 
general calamity, were incensed against Dr. Whitman for 
not exerting his supposed supernatural powers in saving 
their lives. They carried this absurdity beyond that point 
of folly. Their superstitious minds became possessed with 
the horrible suspicion that he was giving poison to the sick, 
instead of wholesome medicines, with the view of working 
the destruction of the tribe, their former cruelty probably 
adding strength to this suspicion. Still some of the more 
reflecting had confidence in Dr. Whitman's integrity, and 
it was agreed to test the effects of the medicines he had 
furnished on three of their people, one of whom was said to 
be in perfect health. They unfortunately died, and from 
that moment it was resolved to destroy the mission. It was 
immediately after burying the remains of these three persons 
that they repaired to the mission and murdered every man 
found there. 

This happened about two o'clock in the afternoon; the 
Indians arrived at the mission one after another with their 
arms hid under their blankets. The doctor was at school 
with the children, the others were cutting up an ox they 
had just killed. When the Indians saw they were numer- 
ous enough to effect their object, they fell upon the poor 
victims, some with guns and others with hatchets, and their 
blood was soon streaming on all sides. Some of the In- 
dians turned their attention toward the doctor; he received 
a pistol shot in the breast from one, and a blow on the head 



3 2o MARCUS WHITMAN 

with a hatchet from another. He had still strength enough 
remaining to reach a sofa, where he threw himself down 
and expired. Mrs. Whitman was dragged from the garret, 
and mercilessly butchered at the door. Mr. Rogers was 
shot after his life had been granted to him; the women 
and children were also going to be murdered, when a voice 
was raised to ask for mercy in favor of those whom they 
thought innocent, and their lives were spared. It is re- 
ported that a kind of deposition made by a Mr. Rogers 
increased the fury of this savage mob. Mr. Rogers was 
seized, was made to sit down, and then told that his life 
would be spared if he made a full discovery of Dr. Whit- 
man's treachery. That person then told the Indians that 
the doctor intended to poison them, that one night, when 
Mr. Spalding was at Waiilatpu, he heard them say that the 
Indians ought to be poisoned, in order that the Americans 
might take possession of their lands — that the doctor wished 
to poison them all at once, but that Mr. Spalding advised 
him to do it gradually. Mr. Rogers after this deposition 
was spared, but an Indian, who was not present, having 
seen him, fired at and killed him. An American made a 
similar deposition, adding that Mrs. Whitman was an ac- 
complice, and that she deserved death as well as her hus- 
band. It appears that he concluded by saying that he 
would take the side of the Indians, and that he detested 
the Americans. An Indian then put a pistol into his hand, 
and said to him, " If you tell the truth you must prove it 
by shooting that young American"; and this wretched 
apostate from his country fired upon the young man shown 
him, and laid him dead at his feet. It was upon the evi- 
dence of that American that Mrs. Whitman was murdered, 
or she might have shared in the mercy extended to the other 
females and children. 

Such are the details, as far as known, of that disastrous 
event, and the causes which led to it. Mr. Rogers's re- 
ported deposition, if correct, is unworthy of belief, having 
been drawn from him by the fear of instant death. The 
other American who shed the blood of his own friend must 
be a villain of the darkest dye, and ought to suffer for his 
aggravated crime. 

On the 7th inst. Mr. Ogden proceeded towards Walla 
Walla with a strong party of the Hudson Bay Company's 
servants to endeavor to prevent further evil. 



APPENDIX 321 

Accompanying you will receive a copy of a letter which 
I addressed to Governor Abernethy immediately after the 
arrival of the melancholy intelligence at this place. 

All that can be collected will be considered important by 
the friends of doctor and Mrs. Whitman in the United 
States, who will be anxious to learn every particular con- 
cerning their tragic fate. It will be a satisfaction for them 
to know that these eminent servants of God were faithful in 
their lives, though we have to deplore the melancholy cir- 
cumstances which accompanied their departure from this 
world of trial. 

I remain, Sir, 

Your very ob't servant, 

(Signed) James Douglas. 



Vancouver, December 7, 1847. 

George Abernethy, Esq.: 
Sir,— 

Having received intelligence last night, by special ex- 
press, from Walla Walla of the destruction of the mission- 
ary settlement at Waiilatpu by the Cayuse Indians of that 
place, we hasten to communicate the particulars of that 
dreadful event — one of the most atrocious which darkens 
the annals of Indian crime. 

Our lamented friends, Dr. Whitman, his amiable and 
accomplished lady, with nine other persons, have fallen 
victims to the fury of these remorseless savages, who appear 
to have been instigated to this inhuman deed by a horrible 
suspicion which had taken possession of their superstitious 
minds, in consequence of the number of deaths from dysen- 
tery and measles — that Dr. Whitman was silently working 
the destruction of their tribe by administering poisonous 
drugs under the semblance of salutary medicines. 

With a goodness of heart and benevolence truly his own, 
Dr. Whitman had been laboring incessantly, since the ap- 
pearance of the dysentery and measles among his Indian 
converts, to relieve their suffering, and such has been the 
reward of his generous labors. 

A copy of Mr. McBean's letter, herewith, will give you 
all the particulars known to us of this indescribably painful 
event. 

Mr. Ogden, with a strong party, will leave this place as 



322 MARCUS WHITMAN 

soon as possible for Walla Walla, to endeavor to prevent 
further evil; and we beg to suggest to you the propriety of 
taking instant measures for the protection of the Rev. Mr. 
Spalding, who, for the sake of his family, ought to abandon 
the Clear Water Mission without delay, and retire to a place 
of safety, as he cannot remain at that isolated station with- 
out running imminent risk in the present excited and 
irritable state of the Indian population. 
I have the honor to be, Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

(Signed) James Douglas. 



We omit the letter of Mr. McBean referred to in the pre- 
ceding letter, as also one from Mr. Hinman, both of which 
contain essentially the same. The following is a list of the 
killed: Mr. and Mrs. Dr. Whitman, Rogers, Hoffman, 
Sanders, Osborne, Marsh, Canfield, F. and J. Sagar, 
and a sailor, name unknown. Three more were badly 
wounded. 

By a letter dated the 18th of December, it is stated that 
it was rumored in Oregon that when the massacre was 
effected, a party of Indians was despatched to the sawmill 
12 miles distant to massacre the whites settled there. 
Another party was despatched to Rev. Mr. Spalding's sta- 
tion, another to the station of Rev. Messrs. Eells and 
Walker, and another still to Fort Walla Walla belonging 
to the Hudson's Bay Co. for the same purpose, and that 
the Hudson's Bay Co. had despatched a large party to 
Walla Walla for the protection of the forts. 

The prompt means taken by the government is worthy 
of the highest commendation. The House of Representa- 
tives was organized and the Governor's message received 
Dec. 8th. We learn from the Spectator that a Special 
Message respecting the outrages committed by the Indians 
was received by the House the same afternoon. A bill 
passed the Legislature the following morning, authorizing 
the Governor to raise 500 volunteers for the purpose of 



APPENDIX 323 

chastising the Indians. The Governor started the same day 
at 10 o'clock for Fort Vancouver in company with commis- 
sioners appointed to negotiate a loan for the prosecution of 
the war, and his proclamation would be issued as soon as 
he returned. A company of riflemen were organized the 
same afternoon by the choice of H. A. G. Lee for captain 
— were presented with an appropriate flag by the ladies of 
Oregon City — and in two hours after started for Walla 
Walla amid the firing of cannon and the cheers of the 
assembled citizens. 

C. Lancaster is appointed Supreme Judge of Oregon 
Territory, vice J. Q. Thornton, resigned. Several small 
parties of emigrants had arrived, and about 300 wagons are 
reported at The Dalles, Oct. 28th, whose only chance to 
reach the settlements was by the river. A subscription had 
been opened and a Batteau despatched to their assistance. 

13 
LETTER FROM REV. H. H. SPALDING TO THE PARENTS 
OF MRS. WHITMAN, FROM THE " GENEVA COUR- 
IER," EXTRA, 1848 

MASSACRE OF DR. WHITMAN — LETTER FROM OREGON 

The following letter has been handed us for publication. 
It is the latest date from that far distant country, and is 
couched in the language of sadness, but yet of Christian 
affection. Our readers will find it interesting. Dr. Whit- 
man was well known in this vicinity. — Allegany County 

Advocate. 

Oregon City, April 6, 1848. 

To Stephen Prentiss, Esq., and Mrs. Prentiss, the 
father and mother of the late mrs. whitman, 
of the Oregon Mission : 

My Dear Father and Mother in Christ: 

Through the wonderful interposition of God, in deliver- 
ing me from the hand of the murderer, it has become my 



3 2 4 MARCUS WHITMAN 

painful duty to apprize you of the death of your beloved 
daughter Narcissa, and her worthy and affectionate hus- 
band, your honored son-in-law, Doctor Whitman — both 
my own entirely devoted, ever faithful, and eminently use- 
ful associates in the work of Christ. They were inhumanly 
butchered by their own — up to the last moment — beloved 
Indians for whom their warm Christian hearts had prayed 
eleven years, and during that period their unwearied hands 
had administered to their every want, in sickness and dis- 
tress, and bestowed upon them unnumbered blessings; who 
claimed to be, and were considered, in a high state of 
civilization and Christianity. Some of them were members 
of our church, others candidates for admission; some of 
them adherents of the Catholic church, all praying Indians. 
They were doubtless urged to the dreadful deed by foreign 
influence, which we have found coming in upon us like a 
devastating flood for the last three or four years, and we 
have begged of the authors of our distress, with tears, to 
desist, not so much on account of our own lives and prop- 
erty, but for the safety of those coming, and of those 
already in the country. 

But they thought none would be injured but the hated 
missionaries, and the work of hell was urged on, and has 
ended not only in the death of three devoted missionaries 
and the ruin of our mission, but in a bloody war with the 
settlements, which may end in the massacre of every family. 
God alone can save us. 

I must direct you to the Herald for my views as to the 
direct and remote causes which have conspired to bring 
about the dreadful calamity. I cannot write all to every 
one ; I have a large family to look after. 

Mrs. Spalding, suffering from the dreadful exposures 
during the flight, destitute of almost everything, no dwelling- 
place, as yet; food and raiment to be found, many afflicted 
friends to be informed — my own soul bleeding from many 
wounds — my dear, dear sister Narcissa, with whom I have 
grown up as a child of the same family — with whom I have 
labored so long and so intimately in the work of teaching 
the Indians, and my own beloved Doct. Whitman, with 
whom I have for so many years kneeled in prayer and 
taken sweet counsel — have been murdered — their flesh 
given to the beasts of the field, and their bones scattered 
upon the plains — the labors and hopes of many years in an 



APPENDIX 325 

hour at an end — the house of the Lord — the mission house 
burned, and its walls demolished, property to the amount 
of thousands of dollars in the hands of robbers, a once 
large and happy family reduced to a few helpless children, 
made a second time orphans, to be separated and find 
homes among strangers, our fears for our dear brothers 
Walker and Eells of the most alarming character — our 
infant settlements involved in a bloody war with hostile 
Indians and on the brink of ruin — all chill my blood and 
fetter my hand: my letters must be short. The massacre 
took place on the fatal 29th of Nov. last, commencing at 
half-past one. Fourteen persons were murdered in all. 
Nine, the first day. Five men escaped from the station, 
three in a most wonderful manner, one of whom was the 
trembling writer, with whom I know you will unite in prais- 
ing God for delivering even one. 

The names and places of the slain are as follows: The 
two precious names already given, my hand refuses to write 
them again; Mr. Rogers, a young man, teacher of our 
mission school in the winter of '46, since then aiding us in 
mission work, and studying with a view to be ordained and 
join our mission; John and Francis Sager, the two eldest 
of the orphan family, ages 17 and 15; Mr. Kimble of La 
Porte, Indiana, killed second day — left a widow and five 
children; Mr. Sanders of Oskaloosa, Iowa, — left a widow 
and five children; Mr. Hall of Missouri, escaped to Fort 
Walla Walla, was refused protection, put over the Colum- 
bia River, and killed by the Walla Wallas, — left a widow 
and five children; Mr. Marsh of Missouri, — left a son 
grown and a young daughter; Mr. Hoffman of Elmira, N. 
Y. ; Mr. Gillam of Oskaloosa, Iowa; Mr. Sails of latter 
place; Mr. Bewley of Missouri; two last dragged from sick 
beds eight days after first massacre and butchered; Mr. 
Young of Missouri killed second day. Last five were un- 
married men. Forty women and children fell captives into 
the hands of the murderers, among them my own beloved 
daughter, Eliza, ten years old. Three of the captive chil- 
dren soon died — left without parental care — two of them 
your dear Narcissa's and one of them a widow's. The 
young women were dragged from the house by night and 
harshly treated, three of them became wives of the mur- 
derers; one, the daughter of Mrs. Kimble, became the wife 
of him who killed her father, who afterwards told her of it. 



326 MARCUS WHITMAN 

One, a Miss Bewley, was taken twenty miles, to the Utilla, 
and became the wife of Hezekiah, a principal chief and 
member of our church, who, up till that time, had exhibited 
a good character. 

Eight days after the first murders, two families at the 
sawmill, 20 miles distant, were brought down, and the men 
spared to work for the Indians. This increased the num- 
ber of captives to forty-seven, after the three children 
died. They were in various ways cruelly treated, com- 
pelled to work early and late for the Indians, crowded 
into one house, and stripped of almost everything. As 
soon as Mrs. Spalding heard of my probable death, and 
the captivity of Eliza, she sent two Indians (Nez Perces) 
to effect her deliverance if possible. The murderers re- 
fused to give her up until they knew whether I was alive, 
as I had escaped their hands, and whether the Ameri- 
cans would come to avenge the death of their country- 
men. Should the Americans show themselves, every 
woman and child should be butchered. The two sick men 
had just been beaten and cut to pieces before the eyes of 
the helpless children and women ; their blood spilled upon 
the floor, and their mangled bodies lay at the door for 
forty-eight hours, over which the captives were compelled 
to pass. Such had been the situation of Eliza for some 
days, when the two Nez Perces, particular friends of the 
children, told her they must go home with her. 

The murderers would not give her up. She had believed 
that her father was dead, but that her mother was alive, 
and up to this hour hoped to reach her, but now this hope 
went out. She began to pine. She was the only one left 
who understood the language, and was called up at all 
hours of the night, and kept out in the cold and wet, with 
very little clothing on, to interpret for whites and Indians, 
until she was no longer able to stand, and her voice failed 
through weakness. 

I had reached home before the Indians returned, and 
shared, with my wife, the anguish of seeing them return 
without our child. Had she been dead, we could have 
given her up, but to have her a captive in the hands of 
those who had slain our dear friends, and not able to de- 
liver her was the sharpest dagger that ever entered my soul. 
Suffice it to say, we found our daughter at Fort Walla 
Walla, with the ransomed captives, too weak to stand, a 



APPENDIX 327 

mere skeleton, and her mind as much impaired as her 
health. Through the mercy of God she has regained her 
health and strength, and her mind has resumed its usual 
tone. The captives were delivered by the prompt inter- 
position and judicious management of Mr. Ogden, Chief 
Factor of the Hudson Bay Company, to whom too much 
praise cannot be awarded. He arrived at Walla Walla the 
1 2th of December. In about two weeks he succeeded in 
ransoming all the captives, for shirts, blankets, guns, am- 
munition, and tobacco, to the amount of about five hundred 
dollars. They were brought into the Fort on the 31st of 
December. Myself and those with me arrived on the 1st 
of January. Oh! what a meeting! remnants of large and 
happy families ! But our tears of grief were mingled with 
those of joy. We had not dared to hope that deliverance 
would come so soon and complete. 

For some time previous to the massacre the measles, fol- 
lowed by the dysentery, had been raging in the country. 
The families at Waiilatpu had been great sufferers. 

I arrived at Waiilatpu the 22d of November, eight days 
before the dreadful deed. All the Doctor's family had 
been sick, but were recovering. Three of the children 
were yet very sick. Besides, Mr. Osborn, with his sick 
family, were in the same house. Mrs. O. and three children 
were dangerous, one of them died during the week. A 
young man, Mr. Bewley, was also very sick. The Doctor's 
hands were more than full among the Indians, for sometimes 
five died in a day. My dear sister Whitman seemed ready 
to sink under the immense weight of labor and care resting 
upon her, but like an angel of mercy, she continued to 
administer, with her ever ready hands, to the wants of all. 
Late and early, night and day, she was by the bed of the 
sick, the dying, and afflicted. 

During the week I enjoyed several precious seasons with 
her. She was the same devoted servant of the Lord she 
was when we engaged in like precious seasons in our be- 
loved Prattsburg many years ago, ready to live or die for 
the Lord Jesus Christ. 

Saturday, the Indians from the Utilla sent for the Doctor 
to visit their sick. He wished me to accompany him. We 
started late, rode in a heavy rain, through the night, and 
arrived in the morning. The Doctor attended upon the 
sick, and returned upon the Sabbath, on account of the 



328 MARCUS WHITMAN 

dangerous sickness of his family. I remained until Wed- 
nesday. Monday morning the Doctor assisted in burying 
an Indian, returned to the house, and was reading. Several 
Indians, as usual, were in the house. One sat down by 
him to attract his attention by asking for medicine; another 
came behind him with a tomahawk concealed under his 
blanket, and with two blows on the back of his head, 
brought him to the floor, senseless probably but not life- 
less. Soon after, Telan-kaiht, a candidate for admission 
into our church, and who was receiving unnumbered favors 
every day from brother and sister Whitman, came in, and 
took particular pains to cut and beat his face, and cut his 
throat; but he still lingered till near night. As soon as the 
firing commenced at the different places, Mrs. Hayse ran 
in and assisted sister Whitman in taking the Doctor from 
the kitchen to the sitting-room, and placed him on the set- 
tee. This was before his face was cut. His dear wife bent 
over him and mingled her flowing tears with his precious 
blood. It was all she could do. They were her last tears. 
To whatever she said, he would reply " No," in a whisper, 
probably not sensible. John Sager was sitting by the Doc- 
tor when he received the first blow, drew his pistol, but his 
arm was seized — the room filling with Indians, and his 
head was cut to pieces. He lingered till near night. 

Mr. Rogers, attacked at the water, escaped with a broken 
arm and wound in the head, and rushed into the house and 
shut the door. The Indians seem to have left the house 
now, to assist in murdering others. Mr. Kimble, with a 
broken arm, rushed in, and both secreted themselves up- 
stairs. Sister Whitman, in anguish, now bending over her 
dying husband, now over the sick, and now comforting the 
flying, screaming children, was passing by the window 
when she received the first shot in her right breast, and fell 
to the floor. She immediately arose, and kneeling at the 
settee on which lay her bleeding husband, in humble prayer 
commended her soul to God. She prayed for her dear 
children who were about to be made a second time orphans 
and to fall into the hands of her cruel murderers, and I am 
certain that she prayed for her murderers too. She now went 
into the chamber with Mrs. Hayse, Miss Bewley, Catharine, 
and the sick children. They remained until near night. 
In the meantime the door and windows were broken in, the 
Indians entered, and commenced plundering, but they 



APPENDIX 329 

feared to go into the chamber. They called for sister 
Whitman and brother Rogers, and promised they should 
not be hurt. This promise they often repeated, and they 
came down. 

Your dear Narcissa, faint with the loss of blood, was 
carried on a settee to the door by brother Rogers and Miss 
Bewley. Every corner of the room was crowded with In- 
dians having their guns ready to fire. The children had 
been brought down and huddled together to be shot. Eliza 
was one. Here they stood for a long time surrounded by 
guns pointed at their breasts. She often heard the cry, 
" Shall we shoot! " and her blood became cold, and she 
fell upon the floor. But now the order was given, " Do 
not shoot the children." As the settee passed through the 
children over the bleeding dying body of John — fatal mo- 
ment — the settee advanced about its length from the door, 
when the guns were discharged from without and within, the 
powder actually burning the faces of the children. Brother 
Rogers raised his hand and cried " My God ! " and fell 
upon his face, pierced with many balls. 

But he fell not alone. An equal number of the deadly 
weapons were leveled at the settee, and O! that the dis- 
charge had been deadly. But, Oh Father of Mercy, so it 
seemed good in Thy sight — she groaned and lingered. The 
settee was rudely upset. Oh! what have I done! Can 
the aged mother read and live ? Think of Jesus in the 
hands of the cruel Jews. I thought to have withheld the 
worst facts, but they would go to you from other sources, 
and the uncertainty would be worse than the reality. Par- 
don me if I have erred. Francis, at the same time, was 
dragged from the children and shot. All three now lay 
upon the ground, groaning, struggling, dying. As they 
groaned, the Indians beat them with their whips and clubs 
and tried to force their horses over them. Darkness dis- 
persed the Indians, but the groans of the dying continued 
till in the night. Brother Rogers seemed to linger longest. 
A short time before Mr. Osborn and family left their 
hiding-place he was heard to say, in a faint voice, " Lord 
Jesus, come quickly," and all was silent. 

The next morning they were seen to be dead by the 
children, but what a sight for those dear lambs, made a 
second time fatherless and motherless ! And my dear 
Eliza stood with them, but she covered her face with her 



33© MARCUS WHITMAN 

hands. She says she could not bear to look upon her dear 
Mrs. Whitman, always like a mother to her. 

The dead bodies were not allowed to be removed till 
Wednesday morning, when they were gathered together. 
Eliza and some girls sewed sheets around them, a large pit 
was dug by a Frenchman and some friendly Indians, and 
they were buried together, but so slightly that when the 
army arrived at the station, they found that the wolves had 
dug them up and eaten their flesh, and scattered their 
bones upon the plains. " O God, the heathen are come 
into thine inheritance, thy holy temple have they defiled. 
The bodies of thy servants have they given to be meat to 
the fowls of the air, the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts 
of the earth. Their blood have they shed like water round 
about Jerusalem, and there are none to bury them. Help 
us, O God of our salvation, for the glory of thy name." 
Some hair from the sacred head of your dearest daughter 
was found by the army, I believe, rolled in a piece of 
paper, doubtless cut and put away with her own hand, some 
two years ago. A lock was obtained by Dr. Wilcox, late of 
East Bloomfield, N. Y. With great satisfaction I send it 
to her deeply afflicted father and mother — precious relic. 

At the time of the massacre, Perin Whitman, nephew of 
Doct. Whitman, was at the falls in the family of Mr. 
Hinman, who had been employed to occupy the station, 
lately transferred to our mission by the Methodist mission. 
On hearing of the bloody tragedy they left the station, and 
came to the Wallamette. He is here. The little half-breed 
Spanish boy, by the name of David Malin, was retained at 
Walla Walla. I fear that he will fall into the hands of the 
Priests who remain in the country. Catharine, Elizabeth, 
Matilda, Henrietta, and Mary Ann we brought with us to 
this place. Mary Ann has since died. For the other four 
we have obtained good places, and they seem satisfied and 
happy. Catharine is in the family of the Rev. Mr. 
Roberts, superintendent of the Methodist mission. 

Three Papists, one an Indian formerly from Canada, 
late from the State of Maine, had been in the employ of 
the Doctor a few weeks; one a half-breed with a Cayuse 
wife, and one a Canadian, had been in the employ of the 
Doctor for more than a year. These seem to have aided 
in the massacre, and probably secured most of the money, 
watches, and valuable property. The Canadian came 



APPENDIX 331 

down with the captives, was arrested, brought before the 
justice, bound over for trial at the next court, charged with 
having aided in the murders. The night before he was 
arrested he secreted in the ground between the boards of a 
house considerable of Mr. Hoffman's money and watch of 
one of the widows. 

The Canadian Indian, Joe Lewis, shot Francis with his 
own hand, and was the first to commence breaking the 
windows and doors. He is now with the hostile Indians. 
The half-breed, named Finney, was encamped near the 
station, and in his lodge the murderers held their councils 
before and during the massacre. He was at the head of 
the battle near Utilla, and managed, by pretended friend- 
ship, to attract the attention of our officers, while his war- 
riors unobserved surrounded our army. As soon as they 
had gained the desired position, he wheeled and fired his 
gun as a signal for the Indians to commence. Although 
they had the advantage in the ground, and were far superior 
in numbers, at the first fire they were completely defeated, 
driven from the field, and finally from their country, several 
of them killed and many wounded. The army has taken 
possession of the country, and expect to fortify at the mis- 
sion station, Waiilatpu. The Cayuse had removed their 
families and their stock over the Snake River into the 
Paluse country, in the direction of brothers Walker and 
Eells. Our army came upon them at Snake River as they 
were about to cross. About 1500 head of cattle, with the 
whole of the Cayuse camp, were completely in their hands. 
But here our officers were again, for the third or fourth 
time, outwitted by some Indians riding boldly up to them, 
and pretending friendship, saying that some of their own 
cattle were in the herd, and begged time to separate them. 
Our commandant having received orders not to involve the 
innocent with the guilty gave them till morning. It is said 
the men actually wept at this terrible mistake. Next morn- 
ing, as might be expected, most of the cattle, and nearly 
all the Cayuse property had been crossed over, and was 
safe. Our army started away with some 500 head. The 
Indians, with the pretended friendly ones at their head, 
fought them all day. At night, being double the number 
of the whites, the Indians retook their cattle. The whites 
were obliged to retreat to the station. The Indians con- 
tinued to fight them through the night and the next day. 



332 MARCUS WHITMAN 

The third day the army reached the station. None were 
killed but several were wounded, one badly. Six of the 
Indians were killed, and some thirty wounded. The com- 
mander and half of the army immediately started for pro- 
visions, ammunition, and more men. If the few left are 
not soon reinforced and supplied, they will be in danger of 
being cut off and the Indians will be down upon the settle- 
ments. The commander was accidently killed on the way 
down. 

The Lord has transferred us from one field of labor to 
another. Through the kindness of Rev. Mr. Clark, Mr. 
Smith, and others, we were brought to this place, Tualatine 
Plains. Mrs. Spalding has a large school, and I am to 
preach, God assisting, at three stations, through the summer. 
Yours in deep affliction, 

(Signed) H. H. Spalding. 






INDEX 



INDEX 



A. B. C. F. M., discusses Ore- 
gon mission, 50; Dr. Whit- 
man reports to, 56; appoints 
Dr. Whitman missionary, 63 ; 
appoints Mr, and Mrs. Spald- 
ing, 64; appoints William H. 
Gray, 69 ; appoints Rev. 
Cushing Eells, 89; appoints 
Rev. Elkanah Walker, 89; 
appoints Rev. A. B. Smith 
and wife, 89; funds of, 106; 
Whitman interviews, 110- 
112; correspondence of, 116; 
proposes to discontinue 
southern Oregon mission, 
117; Whitman received by, 
175; result of Whitman's 
interview with, 178-180; let- 
ters to, 129-130, 180, 184; 
report of, 198. 

Abernethy, George, elected 
governor, 133, 211, 221. 

Adams, John Quincy, Views 
of, 30. 

American Fur Company, aids 
Indian embassy, 45; kind- 
ness of, 56; escorts mission- 
aries to Oregon, 70, 71, 96. 

Anderson, John J., Opinion of, 
on boundary of Louisiana, 

3 1 - 

Armstrong, Secretary, ad- 
dresses missionaries, 90. 



Ashburton treaty, 114, 213- 

215- 

Astoria, first permanent set- 
tlement, 4; fort built at, 9; 
becomes British possession, 
16; restored to the United 
States, 19, 20. 

Astor, John Jacob, sends out 
ship Tonquin, 9; sends out 
the Beaver, 9; mistakes of, 
10, 11. 

Barrows, Dr. William, Ac- 
count of Indian embassy by, 
47; testimony of , 167, 168. 

Benton, T. H., 20. 

Bent's Fort, 157. 

Biddle, Captain, 19. 

Black, Captain, at Astoria, 
15-18. 

Blaine, James G., Opinion of, 
on boundary of Louisiana, 

34- 

Boston, Jason Lee goes to, 48; 
Whitman goes to, no, in; 
Whitman reaches , 175; 
Whitman leaves, 181. 

Bourne, Edward G., Opinion 
of, 113, 114, 169. 

Brouillett, J. B. A., baptizes 
Indian children, 225; criti- 
cizes Protestant mission- 
aries, 328. 



335 



33*> 



INDEX 



Brown, A. V., makes report to 

Congress, 31. 
Bryant, William Cullen, on 

Oregon country, 35. 
Buchanan, James, negotiates 

treaty, 25; position of, 30. 
Buchanan-Packenham treaty, 

2, 25, 213. 
Burnett, Peter H., Testimony 

of, 166; elected captain of 

emigration, 186; account of 

emigration, 201-206. 
Butterworth, Hezekiah, Poem 

by, 148-153. 



Catholics, Roman, Missionary 
work of, 117; influence of, 
217; hostility of, 224; con- 
nection of, with massacre, 
227. 

Catlin, George, paints por- 
traits of Indian embassy, 47. 

Clark, General William, re- 
ceives the Indian embassy 
from Oregon, 45, 46. 

Clarke, John, 11. 

Clatsop Plain, 238. 

Clearwater River, Mr. Spald- 
ing locates on, 79. 

Columbia River, discovered by 
Captain Gray, 1, 4; reached 
by Lewis and Clark, 7, 8; 
Mr. Thompson blocked on, 
12; reached by Captain 
Black, 15. 

Colville, Fort, 99; Walker and 
Eells go to, 105. 

Cook, Captain James, Voyage 
of, 4. 

Cox, John Ross, 17. 

Crooks, Ramsey, 11. 



Crozat, Antoine, 28. 
Cushing, Caleb, Report of, to 
Congress, 32, 33. 

Deady, Judge, Opinion of, in. 
Dougherty, Major John, 59. 
Dunn, John, 22, 32. 

Eells, Dr. Cushing, Account of 
Indian embassy by, 47; ap- 
pointed missionary to Ore- 
gon, 89; marries Miss Myra 
Fairbank, 89; assigned to 
Flathead country, 104; one 
year's expenses of, 106; ob- 
tains charter for Whitman 
Seminary, 241, 242. 

Eells, Myron, Account of his 
father's journey to Oregon 
by, 95. 96. 

Elliott, E. B., Opinion of, on 
boundary of Louisiana, 26. 

Emigration, Possibility of, 77- 
* 79; Whitman works for, 
no; resolutions, 182-184; 
causes of , 187-210. 

Evans, Elwood, Opinion of, 



Farnum, Lucian, investigates 
condition of Oregon In- 
dians, 37. 

Fisher, Dr. G. P., Opinion of, 
on boundary of Louisiana, 

34- 

Fiske, Dr. Wilbur, makes ap- 
peal in behalf of Indian mis- 
sions, 48. 

Flathead Indians, 12, 36; send 
embassy to St. Louis, 37-39; 
description of, 40-44 ; passed 



INDEX 



337 



Flathead Indians — Continued 
by, 49 ; receive missionaries, 
53, 54; mission among, 104. 

Florida, Treaty of, 2. 

Fontanille, commands fur ex- 
pedition, 56; sickness of, 60. 

Franchere, Gabriel, 14. 

Gallatin, Albert, minister pleni- 
potentiary, 3,4; views of, 30. 

Galpin, S. A., Opinion of, on 
boundary of Louisiana, 26. 

Geiger, Dr. William, Testi- 
mony of, 136, 137. 

Ghent, Treaty of , 18, 19. 

Gray, Captain Robert, dis- 
covers Columbia River, 1,4; 
meets George Vancouver, 5, 
6; trades with Oregon In- 
dians, 35. 

Gray, William H., accom- 
panies Whitman to Oregon, 
64; describes Rev. H. H. 
Spalding, 67, 68; goes east 
for reinforcements, 83-86; 
marriage of, 88; results of 
report to A. B. C. F. M. by, 
89; assigned to Lapwai, 
104; moves to Willamette 
Valley, 132; removes to 
Clatsop, 237; later life, 238, 
239; death, 240. 

Great Britain, Claims of, to 
Oregon, 3, 4, 12, 22, 23; dis- 
cusses Oregon, 19, 20; re- 
jects compromise proposi- 
tion, 25. 

Greene, Rev. David, addresses 
missionaries, 90; expenses 
of, 106; letter of, 118; in- 
terviews Whitman, 176. 

Greenhow, Robert, 9, 21. 



Hall, Fort, built by Captain 
Wyeth, 49; Gray goes to, 
83; missionaries arrive at, 
96; Whitman arrives at, 
156. 

Hallock, Rev. Moses, taught 
Latin to Marcus Whitman, 
62. 

Hedding, Bishop, ordains Jason 
Lee as missionary, 48. 

Hinman, Hon. Alanson, Testi- 
mony of, 138. 

Hinsdale, B. A., Opinion of, 
on boundary of Louisiana, 
34- 

Honolulu presents printing- 
press to Oregon mission, 80. 

Hudson's Bay Company, 
builds forts, 21; advice of, 
49; entertains Mr. Parker, 
55; position of, 74, 75; cir- 
culates false reports, 81; 
trading-posts of, 100; at- 
tempts to secure Oregon, 
125, 133, 134; changes pol- 
icy, 211, 212; relation of, 
to the missionaries, 226. 

Hunt, Wilson P., in command 
of the overland party, 9,11; 
returns to Astoria, 13. 

Illinois Patriot, 37. 

Independence, Fort, Mission- 
ary party leaves, 49. 

Indians, Mandan, 7 ; Flathead, 
12, 36, 37-39, 40-44, 49* S3, 
54, 104; Kootamie, 12; 
murder members of the Pa- 
cific Fur Company, 14; visit 
the Raccoon, 17, 18; of Ore- 
gon, 35; Nez Perces, 36, 47, 
49, 74, 75, 79, *°4; greet 



3& 



INDEX 



Indians — Continued 

missionaries, 76, 77; schools 
for, 80; Sioux, 84, 85; num- 
ber of, in Oregon, 98 ; religion 
of, 102; burn gristmill, 208; 
massacre by, 217-222; caus- 
es of massacre by, 223-231. 

Ish-hol-hol-hoats-hoats, Mr. 
Parker's Indian guide, 55; 
teaches missionaries Indian 
language, 105. 

Ites goes east with Dr. Whit- 
man, 55. 

Jefferson, Thomas, proposes 
exploration of Oregon, 6, 7; 
letter of, 30; letter of, to 
John Melish, 31. 

Kamiah, Station at, 115. 
Kootamie Indians, 12. 



Lapwai, Mr. Gray and Mr. 
Rogers assigned to, 104, 
105; missionaries visit, 105. 

Laramie, Fort, Missionaries 
leave, 71. 

Lee, Rev. Daniel, Account of 
Indian embassy by, 47; ap- 
pointed missionary to Ore- 
gon, 48. 

Lee, Rev. Jason, superintend- 
ent of Oregon mission, 48. 

Lewis and Clark explore Co- 
lumbia River, 4 ; expedition 
of, 6, 9. 

Lewis, Jo, Treachery of, 228, 
229. 

Louisiana, Boundaries of, 27- 
34; purchase of , 26, 27. 

Lovejoy, Amos Lawrence, goes 



to Oregon, 154; goes east 
with Whitman, 155; remains 
at Bent's Fort, 163. 

MacLellan, Robert, 11. 

Mandan Indians, 7. 

Massacre, 217-222; Causes of, 
223; fiftieth anniversary of, 
232. 

McDougal, Duncan, partner of 
John Jacob Astor, 11; 
treachery of , 13-16. 

McKay, Alexander, 11. 

McKenzie, Donald, 11. 

McLane, J. B., Testimony of, 
138. 

McLoughlin, Dr. John, rec- 
ommends station to first 
missionaries, 49; at Walla 
Walla, 117; criticisms on, 
212; character of, 226. 

McMaster, John Bach, Opin- 
ion of, on boundary of 
Louisiana, 34. 

Melish, John, Map by, 31. 

Merrill, Rev. Moses, missionary 
to the Otoes, 58. 

Methodists, organize Oregon 
mission, 48; send first mis- 
sionaries, 50; missionary 
stations of, 100. 

Missionaries, Rev. Jason Lee, 
48, 49; Rev. Daniel Lee, 
48, 49; Marcus Whitman, 
50; Samuel Parker, 50; in- 
terview Indians, 53, 54; 
Rev. and Mrs. H. H. Spald- 
ing, 63; William H. Gray, 
69; Rev. Cushing Eells, 89; 
Rev. Elkanah Walker, 89; 
Rev. A. B. Smith and wife, 
89; Cornelius Rogers, 91; 



INDEX 



339 



Missionaries — Continued 

P. L. Edwards, 96; life of, 
103, 106; give up work, 229. 

Mission station, at Willamette 
Valley, 49, 105; Waiilatpu, 
79, 104, 115; Clearwater 
River, 79; condition of, 
101; Lapwai, 104, 115; 
Tshimakain, 105, 115; Whit- 
man station, 105, 115; Ka- 
miah, 115. 

Nez Percys Indians, 36; Con- 
nection of, with Indian em- 
bassy, 47; passed by, 49; 
receive missionaries, 53, 54; 
friendly to American inter- 
ests, 74, 75; Mr. Spalding 
among, 79; mission among, 
104. 

Northwest Fur Company, 10, 
11, 14; bought Pacific Fur 
Company, 13; jealousy of, 
14. 

Oregon, Claims to, 1-34; 
northern boundary of, 2; 
southern boundary of, 2 ; set- 
tlement at Astoria, 4 ; 
treaty for joint occupancy 
of, 20; Spain cedes her right 
to, 29; early missions in, 35 ; 
condition of aboriginal In- 
dians of, 36; first mission- 
aries arrive in, 49; in 1838, 
98-103; in 1842, 1 10-130; 
immigration of 1843 to > l88_ 
210; territorial government 
of, 215; made a state, 216. 

Pacific Fur Company, 10; sold 
to Northwest Company, 13. 



Pakenham, Richard, negoti- 
ates treaty, 25. 

Parker, Rev. Samuel, ap- 
pointed missionary to Ore- 
gon, 50; journey of, to Ore- 
gon, 51-53; reaches Fort 
Walla Walla, 55; letter of, 
to Mr. Powell, 57, 58 ; testi- 
mony of, 168. 

Patriot, Illinois, 37. 

Penrose, Rev. S. B. L., 244. 

Prentiss, Miss Narcissa, letter 
to, 56, 57; character of, 64; 
letter of, 65; marries Mar- 
cus Whitman, 66. 

Provost, J. B., sent to Colum- 
bia River, 19. 



Ramsey, Governor, Testimony 
of, 170. 

Reed, Julius, investigates con- 
dition of Indians, 37. 

Robinson, Frederick John, 4. 

Rogers, Cornelius, accom- 
panies missionary party to 
Oregon, 91; assigned to 
Lapwai, 104; assigned to 
northern Oregon mission, 
117. 

Ross, Alexander, 16. 

Rush, Richard, minister to 
England, 4, 19; position of, 
30- 



Sandwich Islands, Mr. Hunt 
at, 13; give sheep to Ore- 
gon mission, 80; Mr. and 
Mrs. Smith go to, 104. 

Seeley, J. S., Letter of, 66. 

Sioux Indians, 84, 85. 



34o 



INDEX 



Smith, Rev. A. B., appointed 
missionary to Oregon, 89; 
assigned to Waiilatpu, 104; 
goes to Sandwich Islands, 
104; locates at Kamiah, 

Spalding, Mrs. H. H., Charac- 
ter of, 68. 

Spalding, Rev. H. H., Account 
of Indian embassy by, 47 ; 
missionary to Osage In- 
dians, 63 ; accompanies 
Whitman to Oregon, 64; 
character of, 67, 68; starts 
for Oregon, 69; locates at 
Clearwater River, 79. 

St. Louis, Whitman arrives at, 
166. 

Stocking, S. W., Opinion of, 
on boundary of Louisiana, 
26. 

Stuart, David, 11. 

Stuart, Robert, 11. 

Taos, Fort, Whitman arrives 

at, 161. 
Thompson, David, sent out by 

Northwest Company, 11, 12. 
Thorn, Captain Jonathan, 

commander of the Tonquin, 

9- 

Treaty, of Florida, 2; Buch- 
anan-Pakenham, 2, 25; of 
Ghent, 18, 19; Ashburton, 
114, 213-215. 

Tshimakain, Missionaries set- 
tle at, 105, 115. 

Tuetakas goes east with Dr. 
Whitman, 55. 

Twiss, Travers, 22, 32. 

Tyler, Lyon Gardiner, Letter 
from, 172, 173. 



Tyler, President John, Inter- 
view of, with Whitman, 171. 

Uintah, Fort, Whitman arrives 

at, 156. 
Uncompahgre, Fort, Whitman 

arrives at, 156. 

Vancouver, Fort, reached by 
Methodist missionaries, 49; 
Catholic priests locate at, 
81; supplies purchased at, 
83; a supply station, 10 1; 
reached by emigration, 209. 

Vancouver, George, meets 
Captain Gray, 5, 6. 

Victor, Mrs. F. F., Opinion of, 
1 1 1 ; account of massacre 
by, 225, 226. 

Waiilatpu, Dr. Whitman lo- 
cates at, 79; work at, 81; 
Mr. and Mrs. Smith assigned 
to, 104; life at, 107-109; 
massacre at, 217-222. 

Walker, General Francis A., 
Opinion of, on boundary of 
Louisiana, 26, 27. 

Walker, Rev. Elkanah, mar- 
ries Miss Mary Richardson, 
89 ; appointed missionary to 
Oregon, 89; assigned to 
Flathead country, 104. 

Walker, William, Letter of, 

41-43- 

Walla Walla, reached by mis- 
sionary party, 49; reached 
by Mr. Parker, 55; mission- 
aries return to, 105; Mc- 
Loughlin at, 117; massacre 
anniversary at, 222-226. 

Wallula Junction, 49. 



INDEX 



34i 



Washington, Whitman goes to, 
no; Whitman's visit to, de- 
nied, 111-113; Whitman 
arrives at, 168-170. 

Webster, Daniel, Interview of, 
with Whitman, 170. 

Westport, Whitman arrives at, 
164. 

Whitman College, Raising 
money for, 114; charter ob- 
tained for, 241; first build- 
ing dedicated, 244; Dr. A. 
J. Anderson elected presi- 
dent of, 244; present condi- 
tions of, 244-246 ; gift of Dr. 
J. K. Pearsons to, 244. 

Whitman, P. B., Testimony 

of, 137- 
Whitman, Rev. Marcus, ap- 
pointed missionary to Ore- 
gon, 50; first journey of, 
51-53; returns to obtain as- 
sociates, 54; letter of, to 
Miss Prentiss, 56, 57; letter 
of, 58-60; birth of, 61; 
childhood of, 62; education 
of, 62; character of, 63; 
marriage of, 66; second jour- 
ney of, 69-79; locates at 
Waiilatpu, 79; first years of, 



at mission, 105-109; death 
of child of, 109; reasons for 
journey east by, 110-114; 
assigned to northern Oregon 
mission, 117; calls meeting 
of the missionaries, 126- 
130; journey east by, 155- 
168; arrives at Washington, 
168; interviews Webster, 
170; interviews President 
Tyler, 171; goes to Bos- 
ton, 174 ; returns west, 
181; arrives in Oregon, 200; 
flour mill burned, 217; 
death of, 219; estimate of 
work of, 230, 231. 
Whitman's Ride for Oregon, 

148-153. 

Whitman station, Mission- 
aries spend winter at, 105; 
life at, 107, 109. 

Whitman, Township of, 242. 

Wilkes, George, Account of the 
expedition of 1843 by, 193. 

Willamette Valley, recom- 
mended, 49; Mr. Rogers goes 
to, 105. 

Wyeth, Captain N. J., organ- 
izes party for Oregon, 48, 
49. 



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